The Destabilization of Bolivia
and the "Kosovo Option"
by Michel Chossudovsky
The secession of Bolivia's Eastern provinces
is part of a US sponsored covert operation, coordinated out of
the US State Department, in liaison with US intelligence.
The death squads armed with automatic
weapons responsible for killing supporters of Evo Morales in El
Porvenir are supported covertly by the US. According to one report,
"USAID has an "Office of Transition Initiatives"
operating in Bolivia, funneling millions of dollars of training
and support to right-wing opposition regional governments and
movements."(The Center for Economic and Policy Research,
September 2008). The US also provides support to various opposition
groups through the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
The expelled US Ambassador Philip S. Goldberg
worked under the helm of Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte,
who directly oversees the various "activities" of US
embassies around the World. In this regard Negroponte plays a
far more important role, acting behind the scenes, than Secretary
of State Condoleeza Rice. He is also known as one of the main
architects of regime change and covert support to paramilitary
death squads both in Central America and Iraq.
Philip S. Goldberg's mandate as ambassador
to Bolivia was to trigger the fracture of Bolivia as a country.
Prior to his appointment as ambassador in early 2007, he served
as US Chief of Mission in Pristina, Kosovo (2004-2006) and was
in permanent liaison with the leaders of the KLA paramilitary,
who had integrated civilian politics, following the NATO occupation
of Kosovo in 1999.
Supported by the CIA, the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA), whose leaders now head the Kosovar government, was
known for its extensive links to organized crime and the trade
in narcotics. In Kosovo, Goldberg was involved in setting the
stage for the subsequent secession of Kosovo from Serbia, leading
to the installation of an "independent" Kosovar government.
In the course of the 1990s, Goldberg had
played an active role in the break up of Yugoslavia. From 1994-1996
he was responsible for the Bosnia Desk at the State Department.
He worked closely with Washington's Special Envoy Richard Holbrooke
and played a central role as Chief of Staff of the US negotiating
team at Dayton, leading up to the signing of the Dayton Accords
in 1995. These accords were conducive to the carving up of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
More generally they triggered the destruction and destabilization
of Yugoslavia as country. In 1996, Goldberg worked directly as
Special Assistant to the Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott
(1994-2000), who together with Secretary of State Madeleine Albright,
played a key role in launching the war on Yugoslavia in 1999.
The Central Role of John Negroponte
Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte
plays a central role in the conduct of covert operations. He served
as US ambassador to Honduras from 1981 to 1985. As Ambassador
in Tegucigalpa, he played a key role in supporting and supervising
the Nicaraguan Contra mercenaries who were based in Honduras.
The cross border Contra attacks into Nicaragua claimed some 50
000 civilian lives. During the same period, Negroponte was instrumental
in setting up the Honduran military death squads, "operating
with Washington support's, [they] assassinated hundreds of opponents
of the US-backed regime."
"Under the rule of General Gustavo
Alvarez Martnez, Honduras's military government was both a close
ally of the Reagan administration and was "disappearing"
dozens of political opponents in classic death squad fashion.
The Salvador Option
Negroponte became Ambassador to Iraq in
2004, where he set up a "security framework" for the
US occupation, largely modeled on the Central American death squads.
This project was referred to by several writers as the "Salvador
While in Baghdad, Negroponte hired as
his Counselor on security issues, a former head of special operations
in El Salvador. The two men were close colleagues going back to
the 1980s in Central America. While Negroponte was busy setting
up the death squads in Honduras, Colonel Steele had been in charge
of the US Military Advisory Group in El Salvador, (1984-86) "where
he was responsible for developing special operating forces at
brigade level during the height of the conflict.":
"These forces, composed of the most
brutal soldiers available, replicated the kind of small-unit operations
with which Steele was familiar from his service in Vietnam. Rather
than focusing on seizing terrain, their role was to attack 'insurgent'
leadership, their supporters, sources of supply and base camps."
In Iraq, Steele was "assigned to
work with a new elite Iraqi counter-insurgency unit known as the
Special Police Commandos". In this context, Negroponte's
objective was to encourage ethnic divisions and factional strife,
by triggering covert terrorist attacks directed against the Iraqi
Negroponte was appointed as the Head of
the Directorate of National Intelligence in 2005, and subsequently
in 2007 came to occupy the Number Two position in the State Department.
The Kosovo Option: Haiti
This is not the first time that the "Kosovo
model" of supporting terrorist paramilitaries has been applied
in Latin America.
In February 2003, Washington announced
the appointment of James Foley as Ambassador to Haiti. Ambassadors
Goldberg and Foley are part of the same "diplomatic stable".
Foley had been a State Department spokesman under the Clinton
administration during the war on Kosovo. He was involved at an
earlier period in channeling support to the Kosovo Liberation
Amply documented, the Kosovo Liberation
Army (KLA) was financed by drug money and supported by the CIA.
At the time of the Kosovo war, the then
ambassador to Haiti James Foley had been in charge of State Department
briefings, working closely with his NATO counterpart in Brussels,
Jamie Shea. Barely two months before the onslaught of the NATO
led war on 24 March 1999, James Foley, had called for the "transformation"
of the KLA into a respectable political organization:
"We want to develop a good relationship
with them [the KLA] as they transform themselves into a politically-oriented
organization,' ..`[W]e believe that we have a lot of advice and
a lot of help that we can provide to them if they become precisely
the kind of political actor we would like to see them become...
"If we can help them and they want us to help them in that
effort of transformation, I think it's nothing that anybody can
argue with..' (quoted in the New York Times, 2 February 1999)
In other words, Washington's design was
"regime change": topple the Lavalas administration and
install a compliant US puppet regime, integrated by the "Democratic
Platform" and the self-proclaimed Front pour la libération
et la reconstruction nationale (FLRN), whose leaders are former
FRAPH and Tonton Macoute terrorists.
Following the 2004 coup d'Etat which led
to the downfall of the Aristide government, KLA advisers were
brought into Haiti by the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) to assist in the country's reconstruction.
Specifically, the KLA consultants were
to assist in restructuring the Haitian police force, bringing
into its ranks, former members of FRAPH and the Tonton Macout.
[In support of] the "Office of Transition
Initiatives," (OTI) ... USAID is paying three consultants
to help consult for the integration of the former brutal military
into the current Haitian police force. And who are those three
consultants? Those three consultants are members of the Kosovo
USAID's "Office of Transition Initiatives"
(OTI)__The Salvador/ Kosovo option is part of a US strategy to
fracture and destabilize countries. The USAID sponsored OTI in
Bolivia performs much the same function as a similar OTI in Haiti.
__It is also worth noting that there was an Office of Transition
Initiatives (OTI) in Venezuela, where a plot, according to reports,
was recently uncovered to allegedly assassinate President Hugo
Chavez. The role of the OTI office in Venezuela is discussed in
Eva Golinger's recent book "Bush vs. Chavez."__The stated
purpose of US covert operations is to provide support as well
as as training to "Liberation Armies" ultimately with
a view to destabilizing sovereign governments. In Kosovo, the
training of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in the 1990s had
been entrusted to a private mercenary company, Military Professional
Resources Inc (MPRI), on contract to the Pentagon.
Pakistan and the "Kosovo Option"
__It is worth noting that in Pakistan, recent developments point
towards direct forms of US military intervention, in violation
of Pakistani sovereignty.
Already in 2005, a report by the US National
Intelligence Council and the CIA forecast a "Yugoslav-like
fate" for Pakistan "in a decade with the country riven
by civil war, bloodshed and inter-provincial rivalries, as seen
recently in Balochistan."
According to a 2006 report of Pakistan's
Senate Committee on Defence, British intelligence was involved
in supporting the Balochistan separatist movement. (Press Trust
of India, 9 August 2006). The Bolochistan Liberation Army (BLA)
bears a canny resemblance to Kosovo's KLA, financed by the drug
trade and supported by the CIA.
Washington favors the creation of a "Greater
Balochistan" [similar to a Greater Albania] which would integrate
the Baloch areas of Pakistan with those of Iran and possibly the
Southern tip of Afghanistan, thereby leading to a process of political
fracturing in both Iran and Pakistan.