America's War in Central Africa
The Pentagon's proxy war in the
by Keith Harmon Snow
The purported 'arrest' of General
Laurent Nkunda, on January 22, 2009, by the troops of the joint
FARDC and Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) operation is no surprise,
it is merely damage control, with Nkunda 'arrested'-most likely
shuffled off to luxury in Rwanda-to recover some sense of credibility
for the international police forces-the Pentagon and its proxy
armies in Rwanda (Kagame), Uganda (Museveni) and Congo (Kabila)-and
to enable the Kagame military cabal to distance itself from the
recent exposés documenting Rwanda's machinations in eastern
A U.S. military team has also
been deployed in Eastern Congo, to buttress the Pentagon's proxy
warriors. Nothing has changed for the people of Congo, and MONUC
Chief Alan Doss has warned people to expect "collateral damage"
against the innocent people of Congo.
Backed by the Obama Administration and
its former Clinton allies, Rwandan troops have marched into Congo,
ostensibly to save the day, yet again, barely a month after a
scathing United Nations report revealed that they were already
there. Meanwhile, the recent UNHCR Gimme Shelter campaign uses
the iconic Rolling Stones song and Hollywood star Ben Affleck's
video of suffering in Congo as a propaganda tool to peddle the
international catastrophe of western AID, intervention and plunder
in Central Africa. A look behind the scenes reveals the hidden
interests of the misery industry, the obliviousness of do-gooder
celebrities, and actor Ben Affleck's personal patronage of Paul
Kagame and the perpetrators of genocide in Central Africa.
On December 17, 2008, the United Nations
High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) unveiled their latest fundraising
campaign in pursuit of charity donations 'for Congo War Victims'.
Set to the iconic song by Mick Jagger and the Rolling Stones,
the four-minute Gimme Shelter video filmed and produced by Hollywood
star Ben Affleck is an advertisement for UNHCR.  The UNHCR
logo appears at least ten times in the short film, serving the
modern day advertising technique of 'product placement' to inspire
charitable giving to the UNHCR enterprise.
"When awareness is raised, when constituencies start to pay
attention, they are more likely to pay attention to that one thing
than another," director Ben Affleck told Voice of America.
"What I can do is care about something. What I can do is
make it important to my elected officials. Diplomacy is free."
Diplomacy is free? Is Ben Affleck a 'free' agent working to help
the people of Congo? Or is Affleck enhancing and trading in moral
currency in the arena of international public opinion?
Since 2007, Ben Affleck has repeatedly traveled to Rwanda and
Congo. While presenting himself as an independent agent on a humanitarian
mission in Congo, Ben Affleck, simultaneously, has closely affiliated
himself with Rwandan President Paul Kagame and his military government-the
people responsible for perpetrating and perpetuating war crimes
in Congo and Rwanda.
Considering his relationships to powerful people directly involved
in war in Africa's Great Lakes, one wonders if Ben Affleck is
playing his actor's role both on stage and off. In any case, Ben
Affleck is not the first Hollywood celebrity to be fronted as
the Great White Hope for the Congo, and many of the same Hollywood
actorvists have been similarly used by the NGO industry in Haiti.
Actress Jessica Lange has been a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador since
2003; her first mission was into the Congo. Covering Congo and
Sudan, Actor George Clooney has starred as a UN Messenger of Peace
since January 2008, a role actor Michael Douglas has played since
Since 2001, actress Angelina Jolie has been UNHCR's 'Goodwill
Ambassador,' a role that took her to eastern Congo in 2003 and
2004.  Jolie traveled in eastern Congo with intelligence insider
and International Crisis Group agent John Prendergast, who is
aligned with a growing army of 'Save Darfur' cloned organizations
that deploy state-of-the-art media technologies to undermine and
co-opt any true grass roots movement to legitimately empower African
Jolie also starred as a 'selfless' hero working as a UNHCR official
in Hollywood's Beyond Borders, a film that peddles the necessity
of mixing Central Intelligence Agency gun-running operations with
humanitarian missions-because it is ostensibly for the 'right'
cause: Western sponsored covert interventions.
Hollywood stars from the film Ocean's Thirteen formed another
'humanitarian' organization that inevitably throws celebrity raised
funds at the western structural violence and white power economies
focused on sustaining disaster in Africa. The governing board
of Not On Our Watch includes Ocean's Thirteen stars George Clooney,
Brad Pitt, Don Cheadle, and Matt Damon-Ben Affleck's buddy 'Will'
from the film Good Will Hunting-and producers Jerry Weintraub
and David Pressman. 
Clooney recently joined John Prendergast, a U.S. National Security
apparatus insider, and Hollywood producer David Pressman to pen
a Wall Street Journal Op-Ed, opining all the usual trite platitudes-but
absent a single recommendation of substance-about how President
Obama can help Congo. Prendergast, who is billed as a 'leading
American human rights activist', has previously boasted of traveling
around Sudan and Central Africa with President Paul Kagame, and
he is named as one of the early architects of the RPA coup d'etat
The entire exercise of appointing and fronting Hollywood celebrities
as United Nations 'Messengers for Peace' and 'Goodwill Ambassadors'
is a further means by which the establishment whitewashes the
war-making and plunder of multinational corporations, and the
individuals responsible for carnage the world over, and to more
deeply institutionalize the structural violence. Described as
'helping to shine light on the world's trouble spots', celebrity
actorvism is more like a cop shining a bright light in your eyes
so that you are disoriented, confused and blinded.
Privatizing the 'humanitarian' sector through media celebrities
or through entertainment and publicity extravaganzas-like 'Food
AID' and 'Band AID' and 'Not on Our Watch'-that falsely claim
to benefit African people, simultaneously lets governments off
the hook, obscures the true intent of predatory capitalism, and
creates personality cults that further entrench white 'society'
pathologies of obliviousness, ignorance, goodness and supremacy.
"I'm not an expert in international affairs or diplomacy,"
Affleck is quoted everywhere as saying, "but it doesn't take
that to see the tremendous suffering here. It's not something
that we as human beings can, in good conscience, ignore."
What does it take to see and understand the nature of systemic
exploitation? We might question Affleck's good conscience, given
what he is ignoring. The short Gimme Shelter video produced by
Ben Affleck ignores the realities and players fueling the bloodshed.
Is this the same creative genius that brought us the award-winning
film Good Will Hunting?
"My hope in being here is primarily to bring attention to
the fact that there's a real lack of (aid agencies) here,"
Affleck said, according to public relations productions about
his visit. "There's a real lack of money going to these folks."
In eastern Congo, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs (OCHA) coordinates 126 organizations, including 10 UN
agencies and 50 international NGOs, and scores of state and national
NGOs. OCHA also works with Congolese governmental officials and
The annual OCHA budget alone hovers around $US 680-700 million.
The 2008 budget for the World Food Program in DRC was about $430
million, with 56% of all food resources designated for North Kivu.
 And while such organizations each year project more than they
are able to actually raise, their incomes and their expenditures
rise annually: their operating behaviors are identical to that
of multinational corporations.
From 2000 to 2007 the UNHCR global expenditures grew from $US
800 million to $US 1.2 billion-and UNHCR delineates $US hundreds
of millions annually for DRC and Uganda, where they count some
1.1 million and 1.6 million internally displaced people (IDPs)
respectively. Indeed, while UNHCR uses the media to plead
poverty and peddle hope in the public limelight, the agency applauds
its fundraising success in private-where UNHCR statements indicate
that UNHCR considers 'fundraising' as a profitable business opportunity
in its own right. The market-in this case the welfare of millions
of people of color-is irrelevant to their goals.
"Following a period of strong income growth," reads
a UNHCR executive job posting, "the UN Refugee Agency has
decided to increase its investment in private sector fundraising
through the recruitment of an experienced fundraising management
professional This fundraising strategy is implemented through
a network of nine UNHCR National Associations and Country Offices
(Australia, Canada, Greece, Hong Kong, Italy, Japan, US, Spain,
UK). As part of its new investment strategy the UN Refugee Agency
is currently carrying out various new market entry studies and
plans to launch fundraising programs in several new markets in
the coming years."
The salary for the UNHCR's chief fundraising executive ranges
from $US 127,104 to $US 151,446-after deductions, per annum, tax
exempt, plus additional major benefits.
Food AID is also being siphoned off the massive 'humanitarian'
mission in eastern Congo and being sold in markets. The criminal
aspects of the 'humanitarian' enterprise are well established.
"These international NGOs are all here for the same reason
as every other foreigner in Congo-to make money," reports
a newly arrived NGO volunteer from eastern Congo. "I came
here to help the folks and seek work, but the more I learn the
more FUBAR this place appears to be. It has evolved into a highly
efficient corrupt system."
Ben Affleck's statements about "a real lack of (aid agencies)
here" and "a real lack of money going to these folks"
are demonstrably false. There is no lack of agencies, no lack
of money, and these are not 'folks'-they are highly politicized
institutions, part of an industry that perpetuates and institutionalizes
deracination, and they use and abuse 'innocent' but nihilistic
celebrities like Ben Affleck.
"I was thinking there was some thing wrong with him,"
reports a Congolese insider, who said that UN officials were telling
Congolese people that Ben Affleck wants to build a hospital in
North Kivu. "He was not really interested by the position
of Congolese people and his heart was in Rwanda during all the
time he was here."
When George Clooney visited the war zone in eastern Congo the
'peacekeepers' played some basketball with him. Did MONUC roll
out its marching bands to meet Ben Affleck?
Affleck traveled into to the bush to meet with the Forces for
the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR)-the militia that Paul
Kagame and the western press falsely cite, ad nauseum, as the
cause of Rwanda and Congo's woes. Why did Affleck meet with the
FDLR? Was Affleck secretly scouting FDLR positions for Rwandan
officials? He also met with Rwandan General Laurent Nkunda, a
bonafide war criminal named by the United Nations.
"He didn't want people to know he came from Rwanda,"
the Congolese insider said, after learning about Affleck's relations
with Rwandan officials. "Our problem will never reach an
Affleck's visits coincided with protests by Congolese people fed
up with MONUC, due to the unchallenged war lords and impunity
for war crimes and massive suffering. People everywhere were pelting
MONUC vehicles with stones and Affleck's UN convoy was also reportedly
Ben Affleck has been defended for "not being guilty of being
a celebrity." But given the unsurpassed mortality, sexual
atrocities, depopulation and war crimes in Central Africa, and
given the extent to which the root causes of these wars have been
articulated by certain independent journalists and certain organizations,
can one morally or ethically plead 'innocence' about the white
power interests one is peddling or protecting?
No matter the political intrigues and hidden agendas-which we
have only just begun to unpack-the Affleck-Jagger Gimme Shelter
campaign is billed as 'not a political, but a humanitarian' gesture.
However, Ben Affleck is now a highly political actor in the Congo
warfare and exploitation arena, as this article will show, and
this raises questions about culpability, responsibility and ethics.
Is Ben Affleck seriously concerned about suffering in Congo? Why
doesn't he name any of the white exploiters like Banro Corporation
or PricewaterhouseCoopers? What is Ben Affleck's relationship
to the protagonists in this war? Is Ben Affleck being paid for
his silence? Or is he just another victim being used by, and benefiting
from, a hopelessly corrupt system?
SHATTERED, SHATTERED, THIS TOWN'S IN TATTERS
A new United Nations Development Program (UNDP) study released
December 17, 2008, reports that nearly half the population in
the DRC may not live to 40 years of age, that 75% of the population
lived below the poverty line-on less than one dollar a day-while
more than half the population (57%) had no access to drinking
water or to basic health care (54%), and three out of every 10
children are malnourished.
At the beginning of the Gimme Shelter video, we are told that
"In Eastern Congo, the AK-47"-which flashes across the
screen strapped to a Congolese soldier's back-"is known as
the Congolese Credit Card."
Characterizing the Kalashnikov AK-47 as "the Congolese Credit
Card" is overtly racist, because it casts Congolese people-and
males in particular-as pathological gun-toting thugs. It is the
same type of characterization of Congolese men that is made by
Eve Ensler and the V-Day Congo lobby about 'femicide' in Eastern
Congo. 'Femicide' is an inaccurate description for a situation
where males are usually killed outright, as in Congo. The combination
of femicide and homocide amounts to mass murder and, in the case
of RPA operations in Rwanda and Congo, genocide.
Comparing an AK-47 in the hands of a Congolese male to a credit
card is doubly racist because it is premised on a blame the victim
mentality (by whites) that further ridicules black African males
who have no possibility of upward mobility, no possibility of
obtaining a Master Card or VISA or American Express-symbols of
excessive materialism, western privilege, selective financial
access and financial gate-keeping.
Similarly, Affleck's four minute video of black African faces-who
are suffering the indignities of homelessness and beggary-deliberately
whites out any images of, or references to, the raw materials
leaving the eastern Congo through Uganda and Rwanda, or arriving
at ports and factories in Europe, Japan, China and the USA. Affleck's
short film also unquestionably serves the misery industries and
the so-called 'peacekeeping' professionals that profit from the
After the 'Congolese Credit Card' image we are told "there
are twenty-two recognized armed groups" in Congo, but nothing
at all about their ties to the organized crime networks run by
Uganda or Rwanda and their western allies. There is nothing about
the proliferation of AK-47s, landmines or other weaponry, or the
many white merchants of death behind Central Africa's woes.
We are told: "UNHCR transports refugee families fleeing from
the violence," but any and all reasons why millions of brutalized
people have been forced to flee homes and villages are omitted.
UNHCR senior media officer Tim Irwin said that Gimme Shelter is
"designed to inform and mobilize people all around the world
to bring relief to hundreds of thousands of Congolese victims
who have been uprooted from their homes because of the violence
between Hutu militias, ethnic Tutsi rebels, and Congolese soldiers."
What are the differences between 'Hutu militias' and 'ethnic Tutsi
rebels'? Why are Hutus described as 'militias' while Tutsis are
described as 'rebel'? What makes 'ethnic Tutsi rebels' ethnic,
while 'Hutu militias', apparently, are not 'ethnic Hutu'? The
same distortions of reality were applied to the establishment
narrative of genocide in Rwanda: 100 days of killing; Hutus killing
Tutsis and 'moderate Hutus' What is a 'moderate Hutu'?
In establishment narratives, war is peace, slavery is freedom,
and language is used to criminalize the innocent, just as it is
in the so-called 'war on terror'. Thus 'Hutu militias' has come
to mean 'the genocidal Interahamwe'. 'Tutsi rebels' means
'those victimized minority guerillas who stopped the genocide
and are now seeking justice by hunting down every last genocidaire'-whether
man, woman or child. A 'moderate Hutu' is one who sided with
the minority Tutsi RPA guerrillas-the real terrorists-against
the supposed 'extremist' government of Juvenal Habyarimana.
As indicated above, mainstream 'news' stories are frequently whitewashed
by simplistic racial stereotypes: racially tainted sound bites
meant to confuse and mislead western 'news' consumers. These racial
markers serve to distance western populations, especially but
not only Caucasians, and they underscore and further inculcate
false beliefs about the superiority of both western civilization
and white people.
Similarly, the Affleck production whitewashes the chaos created
by foreign interventions, covert operations and white-collar organized
crime by reducing a complex imperialist invasion to 'ethnic warfare'.
(This is called essentializing.) The structural factors that insure
this war will continue, and the huge salaries, adventurous lifestyles
and special privileges of white expatriates working in the so-called
'humanitarian' aid sector are rendered equally invisible. Multinational
corporations, involved in the exploitation, are obliterated without
a trace of their ever being there, and, in many cases, they are
offered up as the perfect, as yet untried, solution.
Consider just one company, Banro, a Canadian-based gold exploration
company with four wholly owned properties, each with mining licenses
along a major gold belt of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Banro Corporation operates only in eastern DRC, where they are
projecting massive gold profits-in the billions of dollars.
Banro was 'awarded' gold concessions comprising 5,730 square kms
(2,212 square miles), and Banro personnel are ferried over the
remote and blood-drenched South Kivu landscape by private helicopters.
From December 31, 2005, to September 31, 2008, Banro-always declaring
a loss due to exploration-increased its assets from $US 100 to
$US 121 million. In the same period, more than 1000 Congolese
people died every day-roughly 1,000,000 victims.
Banro Corporation has identified 4.68 million ounces of gold on
'their' properties, and they have inferred another 4.87 million
ounces. Banro's gold prospects are today valued at some $US 3.74
billion (identified) and $US 3.89 billion (inferred), for a total
of $US 7.63 billion dollars-and this is just one of the many
foreign companies pillaging Congo.
Perhaps Ben Affleck can tell us something we can't, in good conscience,
ignore. How does a Canadian mining company come to 'wholly-own'
land in blood drenched eastern Congo? And why are Banro Corporation
directors-Simon Village, Michael Prinsloo, Arnold Kondrat, Peter
Cowley, John Clarke, Bernard van Rooyen, Piers Cumberlege and
Richard Lachcik -not under the spotlight for their obvious
involvement in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide?
Banro advertises themselves as one of Congo's great benefactors
"well-positioned to benefit from the timely economic, social
and political recovery of the DRC." Hello? To benefit
from the timely economic, social and political recovery of the
Congo? Hello! The ongoing white-collar business operations of
Banro Corporation amidst the killing in eastern Congo are crimes
"The principle thing for me, over the course of this last
year, has been learning," Affleck said, prior to a primetime
ABC Nightline broadcast-Ben Affleck in Congo-in June 2008. "I
needed to learn and I'm still learning. It's not as if I'm some
expert or I'm presenting myself as a person with answers-and I'm
not an advocate of a particular organization."
Affleck's independence didn't last long. Before his December 2008
deal with UNHCR, Affleck signed on with Save the Children, a Connecticut
based corporate enterprise whose massive profits earned from the
chaos of war and suffering in Africa have been sufficiently documented.
In May 2008, Ben Affleck visited with former child soldiers, as
part of Save the Children's global Rewrite the Future campaign.
According to Save the Children PR, the campaign "helps to
provide quality education" to children in conflict countries,
such as kids in Goma, DRC.
Can anyone honestly provide a single example
of 'quality education' available to children in all of Congo?
White westerners think that a dilapidated cement shell with a
tin roof and some wooden benches qualifies as 'education' of a
higher standard in Africa.
More importantly, Save the Children's sponsors include Starbucks
and Credit Suisse, two multinational corporations that are deeply
enmeshed in the geopolitical plunder of Central Africa. However,
such relationships between corporate 'donors' and so-called 'non-government'
organizations (NGOs) billed as apolitical humanitarian charities
are obscured by the propaganda of white power interests and the
obliviousness of its beneficiaries, like Ben Affleck.
President Paul Kagame gave a corporate endorsement at Starbuck's
annual shareholder meeting in Seattle in March 2007. "Starbucks
and Rwanda are extended family, very closely linked by the business
we do together and the passion we share," Kagame said.
THE UPSIDE DOWN GENOCIDE
The Kagame military machine-backed by the US, U.K., Canada, Germany
and Israel-is one of Congo's greatest enemies. Kagame was one
of the original 27 soldiers to launch the guerrilla war in Uganda,
1980, alongside now President-for-life Yoweri Museveni. Kagame
soon became the head of Museveni's dreaded Internal Security Organization,
and he was directly involved in tortures, massacres and other
human rights atrocities during the Museveni regime's consolidation
In October 1990 Kagame returned from training at the US Army base
at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas to lead the Ugandan People's Defense
Forces (UPDF) illegal invasion of Rwanda. The US military and
its partners backed the invasion, just as they backed the invasion
of Congo in 1996, and the recent invasion of Congo launched this
From 1990 to 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), comprised
most heavily of Ugandan soldiers led by Ugandan citizens like
Paul Kagame, committed atrocity after atrocity as they forced
their way to power in Kigali, always falsely accusing their enemies-the
power-sharing government of then President Juvenal Habyarimana-of
On December 18, 2008, after the protracted 'Military I' trial,
the judges at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR)
ruled that there was no conspiracy to commit genocide by former
Rwandan military leaders affiliated with the Habyarimana government.
It was a war, and the actions-far from a calculated genocide-were
found by the ICTR judges to be 'war-time conditions'.
"The media reports of the December 18 judgment [Military
I] at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda focused primarily
on the convictions of three of four former top military leaders,
who were the supposed 'masterminds' of the Rwandan genocide,"
wrote ICTR defense lawyer Peter Erlinder. "But, as those
who have followed the ICTR closely know, convictions of members
of the former Rwandan government and military are scarcely newsworthy."
Since the inception of the ICTR its decisions have been decisively
biased-victor's justice-in favor of the Kagame regime and to protect
it and its backers. Thus it is no surprise that the former top
military leaders of the Habyarimana government-Colonel Theoneste
Bagosora, Major Aloys Ntabakuze and General Gratien Kabiligi-were
sentenced to life imprisonment for acts of genocide, war crimes
and crimes against humanity.
"The real news was that ALL of the top Rwandan military officers,
including the supposedly infamous Colonel Bagosora, were found
not guilty of conspiracy or planning to commit genocide,"
writes Erlinder. "And General Gratien Kabiligi, a senior
member of the general staff was acquitted of all charges! The
others were found guilty of specific acts committed by subordinates,
in specific places, at specific times-not an overall conspiracy
to kill civilians, much less Tutsi civilians."
Now, after more than fifteen years of massive western propaganda
proclaiming an organized, systematic elimination of the Tutsi
people by the Hutu leaders of the former Rwandan government, the
official Rwanda genocide story has finally collapsed.
While the western media has consistently covered up the Rwandan
occupation in Congo over the past decade, with a complete denial
of Rwandan presence from circa 2005 to 2008, the imminent changing
of the Presidential guard in the US provoked a post-election day
rash of articles stating the obvious: Rwanda is all over Congo.
In mid December 2008 the UN released a report further documenting
what independent journalists have maintained and reported all
along: the Rwandan government directly backs rebel factions, criminal
networks and mining operations in eastern DRC.
The euphemistically named guerrilla army-National Congress for
the Defense of the People (CNDP)-lorded over by General Laurent
Nkunda, has maintained direct personal communications with the
office of the Rwandan President, Paul Kagame. The Rwandan Defense
Forces (RDF) have dispatched military personnel into Congo, recruited
and armed child soldiers, and they are involved in minerals plunder,
racketeering, extortion and war crimes.
Now the Kagame government, immunized against prosecution thanks
to their connections to top former Clinton and Bush officials,
who now sit on high in the Obama administration, has openly sent
more than 1500 troops into North Kivu using weapons recently delivered
to Rwanda for their equally illegal terrorist operations in Darfur,
Sudan. The Kagame government, with its foreign backers, has pursued
an identical strategy in Congo as they did in Rwanda, 1990-1994.
The goal is to destabilize the region, manufacture chaos, sue
for peace while pursuing war, and use the UN 'peacekeeping' mission
to aid the predatory agenda. The final solution is to permanently
criminalize the Hutu majority, entrench economic and political
relations between the Kivus and Rwanda, and between Ituri and
Uganda, and balkanize Congo-exactly as proposed by president Clinton's
national security insider Walter Kansteiner (1996). 
The purported 'arrest' of General Laurent Nkunda, on January 22,
2009, by the troops of the joint FARDC and Rwandan Defense Forces
(RDF) operation is no surprise, it is merely damage control, with
Nkunda 'arrested'-most likely shuffled off to luxury in Rwanda-to
recover some sense of credibility for the international police
forces-the Pentagon and its proxy armies in Rwanda (Kagame), Uganda
(Museveni) and Congo (Kabila)-and to enable the Kagame military
cabal to distance itself from the recent exposés documenting
Rwanda's machinations in eastern Congo. Nothing has changed for
the people of Congo.
THE MISERY INDUSTRY
The Gimme Shelter campaign set out to raise $23 million for the
United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) for so-called
"emergency humanitarian assistance" to help displaced
persons in the DRC, and now it has spawned an industry unto itself.
"The Rolling Stones are very happy to contribute to Gimme
Shelter in support of Ben's efforts to raise the profile of the
conflict in the Congo," one UN public relations agency quotes
Mick Jagger as saying. "We all need to stand up and support
the work of organizations like UNHCR who are on the ground offering
protection and working hard to ensure the rights and wellbeing
Does UNHCR insure the rights and well being of refugees? The Gimme
Shelter film has been distributed worldwide via Internet, television,
mobile phones, cinemas and hotel chains.
Hollywood actorvist Mia Farrow-the Goodwill Ambassador for UNICEF-also
jetted into Congo for the festivities. Farrow made a three-day
visit to the DRC in December, 2008, and then made a plug for the
corporate AID industry by "urging all armed groups in North
Kivu to allow aid organizations to provide life-saving assistance
to women and children."
The structural violence that allows for white actorvist jet-setters
like Mia Farrow to zoom into and out of such complex emergencies
as Congo or Darfur, to make films in refugee camps or hold press
conferences in war zones, and to urge armed groups to stop fighting
so that business operations can be transacted, is never explored.
UNHCR's headquarters are in Geneva, Switzerland and there are
262 field offices in 116 countries: this is a big business operation
dependent on insecurity, population displacements, and warfare.
The current head of the UNHCR is António Guterres, who
started as UN High Commissioner for Refugees on June 15, 2005,
after Rudd Lubbers, the former UNHCR chief, resigned amidst a
sex scandal. Guterres served as Portuguese prime minister
from 1996 to 2002. Jean-Pierre Bemba, a Congolese warlord with
deep ties to Portugal, was at the time a warlord in Congo backed
by Uganda and its western allies.
The UNHCR's interests in Congo are not only about sustained employment
for its highly paid workers-where white people get the best jobs-and
lucrative procurement contracts for other corporations. UNHCR
also takes a highly politicized, corporate stance in host countries.
In Benin, in 1997, the UNHCR openly collaborated with Royal/Dutch
Shell Corporation officials after Shell set up offices immediately
behind the UNHCR headquarters in Cotonou. UNHCR was at the time
responsible for several thousand indigenous Ogoni refugees who
fled persecution by Royal/Dutch Shell and the Nigerian military
in the oil-devastated Niger River Delta.
In Gambella, Ethiopia, during the genocidal pogroms against the
Anuak people (2005-2006), UNHCR operations were openly affiliated
with the perpetrators and UNHCR never spoke out against atrocities
committed by the government of President Meles Zenawi, with his
According to a Refugees International situation report of May
17, 1994, at the height of RPA war crimes in Rwanda, the UNHCR
'Ngara' Protection report documented atrocities committed by the
RPA at the Tanzanian border-cold-blooded massacres of men, women
and children, burned alive in huts, countless war crimes that
were attributed to the 'organized Hutu genocide'. 
"Asked by [a] UNHCR field officer, refugees said the RPF
[sic] did not care whether victims [killed by RPA] were Hutu or
"Each day there are more and more bodies in the river and
most of them without their heads."
Commenting on RPA massacres at other border points: "The
people of Rwanda have nowhere else to go and we cannot expect
them to stay and be slaughtered in their homes."
Further, and more devastating to the establishment's portrayal
of the RPA as a 'disciplined' rebel force that 'stopped the genocide,'
it was a consultant named Robert Gersony, contracted by UNHCR,
who staked his 25 year career on his findings from his investigation
in Rwanda-"what he described as calculated, preplanned, systematic
atrocities and genocide against Hutus by the RPA a plan implemented
as a policy from the highest echelons of [the Kagame] government."
The United Nations buried the Gersony Report, and it remains buried.
When the Gersony report came out, the UNHCR suspended their support
for voluntary repatriation of refugees to Rwanda because of RPA
massacres. In response, the Rwandan government and many others
in the UN turned on the UNHCR. Since that time (1995), UNHCR has
accepted the establishment narrative about genocide in Rwanda.
The euphemistically named Refugees International (RI)-like the
US Committee for Refugees-is tight with the US intelligence community
and uses a 'humanitarian' front to project American power and
nationalist interests through hegemonic pressure tactics and direct
interventions. However, RI's support for expanded militarization
and global domination is easily unveiled.
Indeed, the UNHCR has a much more incestuous relationship with
the massive ongoing catastrophe on the ground in eastern Congo.
One of the multinational corporations affiliated with UNHCR is
PricewaterhouseCoopers International (PWC), an 'accounting' firm
whose business revolves around balancing the books, financial
audits and advising tax write-offs and other forms of financial
shuffling for multinational corporations. Head-quartered in New
York City, PWC earned $US 28.2 billion in revenues in 2008.
PWC is also a shareholder in the corporations involved in the
niobium/tantalum (pyrochlore) mine at Lueshe, North Kivu, at the
heart of Rwanda's 'Tutsi rebel' occupation in eastern DRC.,
The mining ores from the Lueshe mine have previously been moved
into international commerce through Rotterdam harbor, Netherlands,
involving the following firms affiliated with PricewaterhouseCoopers
International (US): Alfred K. Knight International (UK); Masingiro
GmbH (Germany); Helvetia Transport (Germany); Gesellschaft fuer
Elektrometallurgie GmbH (Germany); HSBC Bank (UK); A&M Minerals
(UK); Mettalurg NY (US).
PWC was the dominant majority shareholder of Somikivu s.c.a.r.l.,
a company established in Congo (Zaire) in 1984, and controlled
in North Kivu for numerous years past by troops under the command
of Rwandan warlords Laurent Nkunda and Jules Mutebusi, both wanted
for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
"The crimes and war crimes committed by the management of
the PricewaterhouseCoopers company Somikivu since the year 2000
up until now will not be quoted here," wrote the authors
of a 2006 letter calling on the Organization for Economic Cooperation
and Development to address PWC for violations of OECD guidelines
for multinational corporations.
In budget year 2008, PWC offices worldwide collectively 'donated'
$US 1,511,982 to UNHCR. 
Affleck's affiliation with Save the Children is equally problematic
given their sponsorship by the giant Swiss multinational corporation
Credit Suisse Group (CSG).
One CSG director is Peter F. Weibel, a CEO and executive of PricewaterhouseCoopers
AG, Zurich since 1988, member of PWC's Global Oversight Board
from 1998 to 2001, and CEO of PWC Zurich until mid 2003-a period
when PWC continued to intervene in Congo-militarily and politically-through
the Lueshe mine.
Interestingly, PricewaterhouseCoopers has also served as the 'Chartered
Accountants' for Banro Corporation from September 1996-the date
of the first RPA/UPDF invasion of Congo-until November 2002, and
was listed as such again for 2005 (at least).
Another CSG director is Thomas W. Bechtler, also the Chairman
of the Zurich Committee of Human Rights Watch. Of course, HRW
'researcher' Alison Des Forges wrote the HRW tome on genocide
in Rwanda-Leave None to Tell the Story-the book that turned genocide
in Rwanda upside down and set the stage for the total falsification
of international consciousness.
"This genocide resulted from the deliberate choice of a modern
elite to foster hatred and fear to keep itself in power,"
Des Forges wrote. Her assertions about a 'planned' Hutu genocide-"They
seized control of the state and used its machinery and its authority
to carry out the slaughter"-are now completely discredited.
In contradistinction to the establishment narrative accusing the
'Hutu leadership' of an 'organized' and 'planned' genocide were
the countless acts of genocide committed through a spontaneous
uprising of the masses-people who had been brutalized, disenfranchised,
uprooted and forced from homes; people who had witnessed massacres
and rapes of family members; people who were themselves the victims
of brutal atrocities. These were more than a million people, mostly
Hutus, who had been terrorized by the Rwandan Patriotic Army from
October 1990 to April 1994, as it butchered its way into Rwanda.
"She [Des Forges] concealed the fact that from 1990 the war
caused an unprecedented economic poverty and that the one million
internally displaced people tore the social fabric apart!"
wrote Dr. Helmut Strizek, a former German official who has called
for Alison Des Forges' resignation from Human Rights Watch.
"And these people knew that Tutsi rebels [RPA] caused their
misery. They did not wait for 'instructions' in order to revenge,
once no one was able to maintain public order after the April
6  assassination [sic] and resumption of hostilities by
At one Harvard University lecture on October 14, 1998, Alison
Des Forges proposed a hypothetical 'decapitation' scenario whereby
military intervention by a team of elite operatives could have
'stopped the genocide'. "The scenario calls for elite troops
to enter Rwanda in the first 2 to 5 days of the genocide and kill
or capture the 20 or so extremist leaders who were primarily responsible
for mobilizing the genocide."
However, this is regime change, and it is in keeping with the
new 'humanitarian' warfare paradigm, and it licenses special operations
forces to commit human rights atrocities and acts of terror legitimized
by one state (US) over its 'enemies'. And, in any case, there
was no regime in Kigali to change as the state had already been
decapitated by the double presidential assassinations of April
6, 1994. Des Forges' role has been to hide the US backed coup
d'etat in Rwanda and to obscure the involvement of the United
States military and its western military partners.
Between 1990 and 1994, the RPA waged a systematic, pre-planned,
secretive but highly organized terrorist war aimed at eliminating
the largest number of Rwandan people possible-bodies were hacked
to pieces and incinerated en masse. From 1994, once the RPA violently
seized power, a terror regime was created, and developed, and
a criminal structure parallel to the state was set up to pursue
pre-determined kidnappings; torturing and raping of women and
young girls; terrorist attacks (both directly and by simulating
that the same had been perpetrated by the enemy); illegal detention
of thousands of civilians; selective murdering; systematic elimination
of corpses either by mass incineration or by throwing them into
lakes and rivers; indiscriminate attacks against civilians based
on pre-determined ethnic categories for the elimination of the
predominant ethnic group; and also to carry out acts of war in
Rwanda and Congo.
Ben Affleck has met with Rwandan ministers and he is investing
in Rwanda. However, his ties to Paul Kagame run deeper than mere
investments supported by Rwanda's organized crime cartel.
A SUSTAINABLE CATASTROPHE
The 1996 Rwandan Patriotic Army invasion of eastern Congo-then
Zaire-began with military attacks against refugee camps in the
North and South Kivu provinces where more than two million Rwandan
refugees were amassed. These death camps were created by the so-called
international community-the 'humanitarian' business sector-and
they revolved around massive profits for the corporate agencies
involved, including Refugees International, Save the Children,
World Food Program and UNHCR-all connected to the western military
intelligence apparatus and integrated with multinational corporate
Refugees International's operations during their involvement in
the Rwandan refugee camps in Congo (Zaire), 1995-1996, were funded
in part by Credit Swiss (CS) First Boston, a subsidiary of the
Credit Suisse Group. Robert Weisenthall, a strategic advisor
at CS First Boston in the same period, counted as clients Cox
Communications, Time Warner and the New York Times-all involved
in the big Rwanda genocide cover-up. Wiesenthall is today an executive
with Sony Corporation, whose PlayStations depend upon columbium
tantalite, one of the rare earth metals being plundered from eastern
The Rwandan refugee camps were reportedly first shelled in a military
operation involving the International Rescue Committee (IRC),
one of the UNHCR's main partners today. The IRC is an agency
that does not work directly with refugees and has been criticized
for its direct involvement in military operations.
"Humanitarian organizations operating among the Hutu refugees
in eastern Zaire and Belgian newspapers accused some US refugee
non-governmental organizations, especially the [IRC] of being
covers for CIA operations," reported intelligence insider
Wayne Madsen. "Two Belgian newspapers, Antwerp Gazette and
De Standaard, reported that the IRC was actually engaged in 'military
operations and military support operations' in support of [Laurent]
Kabila's rebels in eastern Zaire."
According to UNHCR documentation, IRC agents are allowed to move
freely in and out of UNHCR and other UN field operations. It almost
need not be stated, so obvious a conclusion is it, that so-called
'humanitarian' organizations are routinely and unquestioningly
used for intelligence gathering and for identifying both friendly
and hostile members of certain populations.
With the support of his friends in the RPA, Ugandan scholar Mahmood
Mamdani traveled to the Kivus shortly after the 1996 invasion
of Congo (Zaire). Mamdani and RPA backer Jacques Depelchin produced
a report that documented the genocidal RPA campaign against Hutus,
and the devastating effects of the AID enterprise on eastern Congo.
Mamdani described the 'dollarization' that destroyed the local
economy; how rents were driven up by the influx of an army of
'AID' workers; how local people found basic needs increasingly
beyond their reach.
"To talk to civil society leaders in Kivu about the experience
of hosting two million plus refugees resourced through international
NGOs," Mamdani reported, "is to listen to a litany of
troubles-criminality, ill health, increased prices, lowered production,
mounting insecurity-all traced to that single experience."
The eastern Congo never recovered from the combined devastation
wrought by the post-1994 Rwandan Patriotic Army terror regime
in combination with the Rwandan refugee influx. Then as now, the
enterprise spawned one disaster after another and the situation
today can only be explained as a manufactured disaster.
The Ben Affleck Gimme Shelter film is part of an ongoing propaganda
campaign to whitewash the international catastrophe created, and
sustained, in eastern Congo, by the conflux of so-called 'humanitarian
aid' operations and so-called 'international peacekeeping' operations
with multinational corporate plunder.
"Ordinary people in Goma, DRC, struggling with economic consequences
of war have accused rebel leader, Laurent Nkunda of waging a war
that is beneficial to the whites," reported Zimbabwe News.
"Deniece who runs a vegetable stall in north Kivu, said the
conflict is good for the well-paid members of the 18-nation MONUC
peacekeeping force, aid agencies and news organizations."
What is obvious to peasant vegetable sellers is that the Democratic
Republic of the Congo offers a very clear example of a corporate
sustained catastrophe of apocalyptic proportions.
THE OBTUSE MONUC MISSION
The United Nations Observers Mission for Congo (MONUC) supported
Ben Affleck's visit to eastern Congo. This mission is increasingly
seen as a boondoggle, and it appears more and more likely that
MONUC's 'failure' is by design. How do we measure the overall
failure or success of the MONUC peacekeeping mission?
Any discussion of the role of MONUC in Congo is absent from Affleck's
film. Instead we only see a few passing images of MONUC blue helmets,
armed Pakistanis or Indian troops, suggestive of an efficacious
and honorable security force selflessly defending the Congolese
The MONUC Public Information Office (PIO), responsible for disseminating
information about the MONUC mission, might best be described as
a 'disinformation' office for the false information that they
have provided, on many occasions, regarding MONUC realities.
"In La Potentiel today," wrote Great Lakes analyst David
Barouski, in January 2008, "UN civilian sector spokesman
Mr. Kemal Saiki reported that the [Rwanda Defense Forces] is not
present in Congo. This is not the truth and I cannot imagine that
Mr. Saiki is so poorly informed that he honestly does not know
they are there. Such an act degrades MONUC's credibility with
the Congolese people and the international community, who already
know the RDF is there."
This was not the first time that Public Information Officer (PIO)
Kemal Saiki clouded the truth with intentional disinformation.
At the beginning of 2007, MONUC troops opened fire on angry civilians
who rushed a MONUC vehicle: people were shot dead. When asked
about the incident, Saiki denied that MONUC has opened fire on
the crowd and insisted that the MONUC forces only 'shot into the
MONUC PIOs have also supported the establishment claims about
Ugandan military (UPDF) withdrawals, and they have refused to
report UPDF incursions in the Orientale region.
Not only does MONUC makes it possible for western mining companies
to loot Congo, but MONUC contingents have also participated in
illegal minerals plunder from DRC.
On October 17, 2007, MONUC spokesperson Kemal Saiki told journalists
that the MONUC mission categorically denied recent reports in
the Congolese press that the peacekeepers were in any way supporting
the factional forces loyal to Rwanda's in-country agent, General
Can MONUC PIOs be believed? Can MONUC press reports be trusted?
Can anyone be trusted to tell the truth about Central Africa when
their interests are involved?
While certain political actors, including FARDC troops, have sometimes
played a hand in civilian protests against the MONUC 'peacekeeping'
mission in Congo, civilian attacks have become routine as the
besieged Congolese people wage frustration battles against the
forces of intervention that many believe-based on their personal
experiences-are both contributing to and profiting from chaos
in the region. The Congolese FARDC army also distrusts the mission:
a MONUC convoy moving militia soldiers was recently stopped by
FARDC forces and the militia soldiers forcibly removed.
December 28, 2008 saw fresh allegations that MONUC blue helmets
were involved in sexual violence and other abuse against civilians
in North Kivu. Simple investigations in Bunia, capital of
Orientale, found at least five cases of young women who had been
raped by MONUC personnel; in one case, the young girl killed her
baby and went to prison, but the civilian MONUC official, unpunished,
was apparently transferred to another post. Is this an example
of MONUC's 'zero tolerance policy' against sexual violence by
"The Congolese people no more have trust in MONUC. We think
that they are supporting the rebels," North Kivu resident
Adili Amani Romauld is reported to say. "And there is a rumor
that MONUC profits from the business of the rebels because people
have seen soldiers of MONUC saying that 'no Nkunda, no jobs.'
This is what the Congolese say they saw soldiers of MONUC saying
but from the time they say MONUC came to this country, nothing
has changed. So we no more expect anything good from them."
The annual MONUC budget is $US 1.13 billion, of which approximately
40% is annually spent on air transport in and between DRC, Burundi,
Rwanda and Uganda. The air transport system therefore provides
massive incomes to foreign companies involved in aviation, for
fixed wing and helicopter leasing. Meanwhile, the leased jumbo
jetliner oil burners traveling the long transnational air routes
for MONUC are at times over 80% empty.
The MONUC air transport infrastructure maintains structural violence
by diverting funds that should be available, and used, for development
of Congo's national transportation infrastructure (especially
an appropriate road or light rail system) to the private profits
of foreign corporations and governments.
MONUC also rents properties and facilities in Rwanda, Uganda and
South Africa (approx. $US 370,000 annually) and pays some $US
93 million annually to oil companies. One of the primary providers
of air support services for MONUC is Pacific Architects and Engineers
(PAE), a subsidiary of the U.S. aerospace and defense giant Lockheed
Martin Corporation. Most importantly, the MONUC air transport
system is highly exclusive, unavailable to most Congolese people,
but open to many highly paid white personnel working for the NGO
Evidence of the structural violence against the Congolese people
is prolific, seen with the swimming pools and water yoga classes
filled with white expatriate AID professionals-where 99% of blacks
are excluded due to their economic (slavery) status-and with the
MONUC mission's expenditures on entertainment infrastructure.
MONUC's Pakistani and Indian brigades, for example, constructed
cricket and soccer (football) facilities. The MONUC cricket games,
soccer matches, marching bands, bagpipes and kilts on Sundays
and special celebrations are very curious: the construction of
athletic facilities and provision of leisure activities are seen
by some as examples that MONUC is in it for the long term. Is
this a serious 'peacekeeping' mission? Or part of a prolonged
and lucrative sustainable catastrophe?
UN Messenger for Peace George Clooney, appointed January 31, 2008
due to his high profile role in Darfur, Sudan, also visited the
MONUC Indian brigades in DRC's Kivu provinces, where he painted
a picture of MONUC troops as selfless soldiers for good. "We
were in Congo and met with the Indian Kivu brigade in January,"
he said, in October 2008. "We saw the incredibly important
and tough work they are doing every day."
Isn't the MONUC military mission just another faction involved
in Congo's conflagration, a faction of foreign mercenaries backed
by multinational corporations? Like the United Nations itself,
the MONUC mission is compromised at the highest levels, and the
hands of the good people in the mission are tied and their voices
According to MONUC staff in Kinshasa, the Special Representative
of the Secretary General to the DRC, current MONUC Head of Mission
Alan Doss, a US citizen, has violated MONUC mission protocol prohibiting
family members from joining mission employees. Doss brought his
wife to DRC, against regulations, and she is reportedly provided
a personal maid, a MONUC 4x4 Toyota SUV with a MONUC driver, for
personal use, all paid for by the MONUC mission.
"Everybody cannot believe that Doss is so corrupt,"
says one MONUC insider. "He knows nothing about Congo he
is breaking rules every day. Mrs. Doss gave a big reception in
Kinshasa to receive George Clooney at the Grand Hotel. It was
paid for by MONUC and Doss didn't even clear the party with the
Chief of Division [according to protocol]. People are very angry
but they cannot say anything and morale is very low, because everyone
sees that the MONUC mission they are part of is a failure."
What constitutes success or failure of a United Nations 'peacekeeping'
mission of MONUC's stature? What about the failure to displace
Rwanda's guerrilla forces from eastern Congo? What about the failure
to intervene and/or halt the ongoing minerals plunder?
Does the involvement of MONUC soldiers in sex trafficking or minerals
smuggling constitute the mission's failure? What about millions
of people dead and millions more displaced during the years of
MONUC's involvement in DRC, circa 2001 to 2009?
To his credit, on December 17, 2008, MONUC Chief Alan Doss publicly
announced that the MONUC 'peacekeeping' mission with its 17,000
soldiers and its $US one billion annual budget "was not equal
to the task."
Alan Doss inherited a catastrophe from his predecessor, William
Lacy Swing-a US State Department official who's diplomatic career
spanned some 40 years including five postings as Ambassador to
African countries each under long term organized assault by white
collar crime, corporate plunder and covert military interventions:
South Africa, Nigeria, Liberia, Zaire (now DRC), and the former
People's Republic of the Congo (Congo-Brazzaville); Swing is also
deeply tied to the malaise in Haiti.
At this writing, MONUC staff in Congo are dealing with labor violations
due to inequitable treatment and poor working conditions: the
promises made by MONUC officials after MONUC in-country staff
organized a stop-work strike more than a year ago have been entirely
On December 18, 2008, President Bush released $US 6 million in
"AID" funds for Congo from the United States Emergency
Refugee and Migration Assistance Fund, ostensibly to 'aid refugees'.
The true purpose and destination of these and so many other funds
may never be known.
TAKE ME OUT TO THE BALL GAME
After one of Ben Affleck's promotional visits to Rwanda, Francis
Gatare, Director General of Rwanda Investment and Export Promotion
Agency, quoted the Oscar winner as saying: "When you are
cheated in a place like Seattle in the US, it's very easy to think
that Rwanda you saw on CNN in 1994 is still the same. Seeing is
believing, and I am happy to have come to Rwanda to witness how
the peace and security in the country is real and should be communicated
to the world."
However, Rwanda's 'peace' has come about
through a campaign of absolute terror against the people and depopulation
of the Rwandan countryside.
But numerous celebrities pimp Rwanda's sanitized image. In 2007,
actress Natalie Portman joined other global celebrities to name
baby mountain gorillas for the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund in Virunga
National Park; actress Daryl Hannah has also played that role.
Actress Sigourney Weaver is officially tied to the Dian Fossey
Gorilla Fund. William Taliaferro Close, the father of actress
Glen Close was for many years the personal physician for Zaire's
president Joseph Mobutu. Ewan McGregor also boosts Rwanda's
image by traveling there in league with the regime.
The Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund and Jane Goodall Institute are two
big profit-based 'conservation' NGOs directly tied to militias
involved in extortion, land theft and other organized crime in
North Kivu province. Jane Goodall is currently a United Nations
Messenger of Peace but she is so busy giving "Save the Chimp"
lectures worldwide that she doesn't know what she is talking about,
and is blind to the crimes that the Jane Goodall Institute is
committing, in her name, in Congo.
A number of other big international names, including Quincy Jones,
and the CEOs of Starbucks, Microsoft, Google and CISCO, have previously
visited Rwanda on business missions. Kagame's strategy of surrounding
himself with big business to shield his regime against criticisms
or indictments for war crimes and acts of genocide has paid off.
Big business leaders, business web sites and public relations
campaigns the world over describe Paul Kagame as 'The Entrepreneur
President Obama's Christian right evangelist fanatic Rick Warren
has also gotten in on the Kagame game. "In 2005 Rwanda became,
at the request of its president Paul Kagame, the initial testing
ground for Rick Warren's P.E.A.C.E Plan and the first nation in
the world to implement Warren's "Purpose Driven Life and
Leadership training program" on a national level. Warren
has made at least ten separate trips to Rwanda and has been photographed
multiple times with Rwanda's President, Paul Kagame."
It seems that birds of a feather flock together. Former US President
George W. Bush has also had his image buffed by spotlight celebrities.
In February 2008, soon after Bush departed Kagame and Rwanda on
Air Force One, Bob Geldof-another of Africa's Great White Hopes-praised
Bush as one of the greatest humanitarian Presidents, due to Bush's
supposed concern for Africa -measured in big business financial
allocations ostensibly for African people.
Andrew Young, the former US Ambassador to the UN and former Mayor
of Atlanta has promoted Rwanda through his corporate consulting
firm Goodworks International; Young is also a close sponsor and
partner of the US-Uganda Friendship Council, a multinational corporate
organization involving and protecting Yoweri Museveni. In 2007,
Young's perception management firm produced the pro-Kagame whitewash
titled Rwanda Rising. Billed as a documentary and entered into
film festivals, the promo starred Paul Kagame, William Jefferson
Clinton and musician Quincy Jones.
Andrew Young is reportedly building a mansion on Lake Muhazi in
Rwanda, where Kagame also owns a mansion, and next to exclusive
multi-million dollar lakeside resorts and golf courses. Quincy
Jones has bought an island on Lake Muhazi.
In 2005, Kagame was awarded the annual Andrew Young Medal for
Capitalism and Social Progress by Georgia State University. In
2007 Kagame received the "Abolitionist of the Year Award"
after Rwanda abolished the death penalty, a rather ironic result
given Kagame's role in mass death in Congo and Rwanda. But Kagame's
award for being a capitalist couldn't be more apropos, given the
predatory nature of western capitalism as practiced by Kagame's
gang in the Great Lakes region.
Operating in Rwanda and Uganda is the Canadian company Vangold
Resources, connected to Robert and Eric Friedland, two of the
Friends of Bill Clinton linked to the bloodletting in Congo, Uganda
and Rwanda through their multiple interlocking companies and offshore
Vangold copper, cobalt and gold mining operations proceed in Uganda's
western border districts.  The West Nile district mining occurs
near the sites of the massive Ugandan government backed atrocities
and concentration camps that confine some 1.2 million indigenous
Acholi people. Vangold has interests in Kenya, and holds a 1,631
square km (630 sq. mi) petroleum concession bordering Congo in
northeastern Rwanda. 
Tony Blair, Britain's Prime Minister (1997-2007)
at the time of the first and second Anglo-American invasions of
Congo, led by the proxy forces of Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni,
has been a personal advisor to President Kagame since January
Another high profile mover and shaker who helps legitimize the
Kagame regime is Harvard University doctor Paul Farmer, who moved
his family to Rwanda in 2008 and became a citizen there. Farmer's
Partner's in Health project has received millions of dollars from
the Clinton Foundation and Clinton HIV/AIDS programs-money rinsed
from the blood diamonds and indigenous genocides in Botswana,
Sierra Leone, Angola, Uganda, Rwanda, South Africa and Congo.
 Maurice Tempelsman, the Clinton/Kennedy family diamond broker,
Democratic Party sponsor and an architect of covert operations
in Africa, is the Chairman of the board of Harvard University's
euphemistically named AIDS Institute; HAI is partnered with the
US Military HIV Research Program. , 
Paul Farmer is also linked to the Kagame regime's network in Boston,
where agent's of the Kagame regime operate an intelligence cell
used to identify, repress and criminalize any Rwandan people who
in any way challenge the criminality or injustice of the current
Paul Farmer wrote an excellent book on structural violence titled
Pathologies of Power. In the introduction, Farmer discusses Rwanda
and, for example, he comments on the 'blinkered analyses' by aid
workers in "most settings where massive human rights violations
are about to occur."
"How, one wonders incredulously," Farmer asked, "Could
anyone working on behalf of the Rwandan poor [before 1994] have
failed to anticipate the oncoming cataclysm?"
How, one wonders incredulously, could anyone working on behalf
of the Rwandan poor today have failed to challenge or distance
themselves from Kagame's Rwanda and its terrorist enterprises,
in Congo at the very least, and instead works with the regime
and its agents?
Farmer cites the work of Samantha Power, about how the Clinton
administration knowingly let genocide in Rwanda happen, as opposed
to playing the active role it did in backing a covert coup d'etat
and Hutu genocide.  This fabricated 'bystanders to genocide'
thesis, intentionally obtuse, won Samantha Power-a founder-director
of Harvard's highly biased Carr Center for Human Rights-a Pulitzer
Prize.  Farmer's additional references and citations regarding
'genocide in Rwanda' are equally misinformed, examples of propaganda
that intentionally blinds people. 
Michael Porter, a Harvard professor and 'intellectual entrepreneur'
from Brookline, Massachusetts, also has close ties to Kagame,
both in Massachusetts and in Rwanda. Porter is one of Paul Kagame's
primary economic advisers, "helping that nation craft an
economic plan, develop the private sector and build relationships
around the world."
Ben Affleck's hometown is Boston, Massachusetts, and this is the
stage for Ben Affleck and Matt Damon's film Good Will Hunting.
Boston, it turns out, is also Paul Kagame's most important power
base in the United States, and Cambridge (Harvard University)
and Brookline are two influential suburbs.
On January 27, 2009, Democracy Now host Amy Goodman will moderate
a panel about Dr. Paul Farmer's Partner's In Health mission in
Haiti. Panelists will include Paul Farmer and Matt Damon and the
panel will be held at Kennedy Library in Boston.
Paul Kagame and his wife Jeanette are regular visitors to Boston,
where they have wooed many business leaders, including Mayor Thomas
Menino, and where they are tight with the Jewish community. The
Tutsis, after all, are the 'Jews of Africa' and Rwanda the 'Israel
of Africa', according to the efficacious mythology perpetuated
in part by New Yorker writer Philip Gourevitch, in part by Israeli
officials.  Of course, Israel is also fueling the holocaust
in the Congo. 
Kagame has given numerous "we the poor victims of genocide"
speeches at Boston area colleges. Such speeches usually provoke
guilt about the moral failure of us in the west, and all dissent
is stillborn for fear of being accused of genocide denial. The
result is a hysterical western 'news' consuming public-a hysteria
amplified by visits to skeleton 'memorials' in Rwanda. 
At Boston College in 2005, Kagame was joined by Pierre-Richard
Prosper, the US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues. Prosper
is a member of Boston College Board of Trustees and has repeatedly
visited Rwanda since 1995. Prosper played a major role in neutralizing
the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and in derailing
the attempts by ICTR prosecutor Carla Del Ponte to prosecute the
RPA for war crimes.  Prosper echoed the big Rwanda deception
about a systematic genocide committed by the Hutus, and he followed
with the usual coup de grace on truth: he criticized the international
community for 'failing to act' and, completely inverting reality,
said that the US media "did nothing to explore the genocidal
machine that was under full operation in Rwanda." In
reality, the US 'news' system facilitated the RPA coup d'etat.
Kagame followed with the typical speech filled with the usual
platitudes about '100 days of killing', with '800,000 to 1,000,000
Tutsis slaughtered'-the language that the propaganda system has,
by constant repetition, cemented into the minds of western 'news'
consumers, thus fostering a sort of mass hysteria about Rwanda
that is echoed, mindlessly-even self-righteously, by everyone
from the miseducated masses to over educated intellectuals-everywhere.
As usual, Kagame turned reality on its head, falsely stating that
"the genocide was engineered by the government" of Juvenal
Habyarimana. "It was deliberate, calculated, and cold-blooded,"
Kagame said. Indeed it was, as Paul Kagame knows only too well.
Although Paul Kagame has criticized western society and pontificated
on the importance of Rwandans being educated in Rwanda, his children
attend school in Boston, where they are sheltered by an extensive
network, and Ben Affleck-Congo's new hero and an avid Red Sox
fan-has taken the Kagame youth to Boston Red Sox baseball games.
This is the kind of hidden interest, according to Congolese who
have now learned about Affleck's Kagame and Rwanda connections,
that one cannot, in good conscience, ignore. While it might seem
endearing that Affleck takes Kagame's children out to the ball
game, it exemplifies Affleck's close relationship to an internationally
renowned war criminal and his conflict of interest in Congo.
The Gimme Shelter campaign is but the latest smokescreen by the
western propaganda systems deployed to protect private profits,
hidden agendas, and white-collar war crimes in Central Africa.
In this equation, the actors and actresses themselves are being
used like brand names. UNHCR has the Angelina Jolie brand. UNICEF
has the Mia Farrow brand. Save the Children and UNHCR share the
Ben Affleck brand name.
Such smokescreens immunize people in North America, Europe, South
Africa, Israel and Australia against our own waking up. Using
words like 'humanitarian' and 'AID' and 'relief' and 'peacekeeping'
to misname what are otherwise profitable white operations that
are reliant purely on markets-where the commodities are people
of color who have been uprooted and displaced, physically and
sexually traumatized, and murdered en masse-is another way to
justify the exploitation that proceeds both in plain site (refugee
operations, peacekeeping interventions, media productions) and
behind the scenes (extractive industries, weapons proliferation,
multinational dumping, covert operations).
In eastern Congo, it is clear that the goal is to create chaos,
to mobilize and dispossess millions of people of their lands and
their agency, to herd them and intern them in 'refugee' concentration
camps, where they die of starvation and disease, where they become
test populations for pharmaceutical corporations, where every
justification is used-by the white people who serve them-before
we go off to the swimming pool or take a vacation.
But most of all, the goal is to create a hopeless and destitute
people, who don't know if they are coming or going, who are traumatized,
shattered, apathetic, afraid of everyone and everything, where
even the most vile forms of corporate exploitation can appear,
almost magically, as promising solutions.
The Gimme Shelter video-like so much of the western capitalist
communications apparatus-allows whites to justify our ignorance,
to inculcate and nurture our apathy, and to simultaneously hide
behind our 'innocence'. Ben Affleck offers a stellar performance
of the ostensibly innocent white man, the latest white savior
for Africa, taken to the extreme.
"But it is not permissible that the authors of devastation
should also be innocent," wrote African American James Baldwin.
"It is the innocence which constitutes the crime."
 Howard Lesser, "UNHCR Unveils 'Gimme Shelter' Campaign
for Congo War Victims," Voice of America, December 18, 2008.
 In 2004, after this investigator's first mission to Congo,
a (naïve) letter was delivered directly to Angelina Jolie
inviting her to travel deep into central Congo to witness the
realities of white-owned slave plantations and mining; there was
 See: keith harmon snow, "Merchants of Death: White Collar
War Crimes, Black African Fall Guys," Dissident Voice, December
8, 2008, http://www.dissidentvoice.org/2008/12/merchants-of-death-exposing-corporate-financed-holocaust-in-africa/
 Today, teachers and students can download 'teaching resources'
that are used to indoctrinate a new set of young people to the
mythologies and propaganda that are creating exploitation and
suffering in the world, and further entrenching structural violence,
while loudly and proudly claiming to alleviate it. See the pro-UNHCR
propaganda web site connected to the US Holocaust Memorial Museum:
Ripples of Genocide: A Journey Through Eastern Congo, http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/congojournal/
 "Ocean's Thirteen stars donate $1 million in support
of UN food agency," UN News Centre, June 27, 2007.
 George Clooney, David Pressman and John Prendergast, "George
Clooney on how Obama can help Congo," Wall Street Journal,
November 22, 2008.
 Discredit the Hutu Population Forever, Analysis of the social,
political, economic, military, geostrategic and diplomatic aspects
of the crises in Rwanda before, during and after the outbreak
of the crisis on April 6, 1994, Report by Dr. Helmut Strizek,
Case no ICTR 2000-56-I, Bonn, August 3, 2008.
 See: Shannon Sullivan and Nancy Tuana, Ed., Race and Epistemologies
of Ignorance, State University of New York Press, 2007.
 World Food Program, DRC, http://www.wfp.org/country_brief/indexcountry.asp?country=180#Facts%20&%20Figures
 United Nations General Assembly, Executive Committee of the
High Commissioner's Program, UN Doc A/AC.96/1040, 12 September
 Head, Private Sector Fundraising Service (PSFR), UNHCR, UNHCR,
July 10, 2007.
 "UN peacekeepers attacked in Congo," BBC and AP
November 24, 2008.
 Michael Maren, The Road To Hell: The Ravaging Affects of
Foreign Aid and International Charity, 1996.
 'FUBAR' is an acronym, coined by US military during the
US war in Vietnam: 'Fucked Up Beyond All Recognition' or 'Fucked
Up Beyond Repair'. Private communication from Bukavu, DRC, January
 Private communications, DRC, December 2008 & January
 Private communication, DRC, January 2009.
 Patrick Goldstein, "The Big Picture:_Patrick Goldstein
on the collision of entertainment, media and pop culture,"
(Ben Affleck is Not Guilty About Being A Celebrity), Los Angeles
Times, June 26, 2008. Note that the L.A. Times page with the Affleck
story above has a dead baby fundraising advertisement for the
multinational corporate entity World Vision, showing an African
child, crying, with the headline, "A Child Dies Every Four
Second: Sponsor A Child" and a digital clock ticking away
the four seconds before the child's image is blacked out and replaced
with the next child to die and a new four second counter.
 See: keith harmon snow, "Three Cheers for Eve Ensler:
Propaganda, White Collar Crime and Sexual Atrocities in Eastern
Congo," Z-Net, October 24, 2007, http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/15673
 Even the word Interahamwe was misrepresented-providing a
generalized media sound bite used to easily instill fear and criminalize-as
'those who attack together' or 'those who kill together' or
though it is claimed to more accurately mean 'united for the same
ideal' and 'those who work together'. The misrepresentations proliferate
in popular spaces like Wikipedia, where Interahamwe is curiously
described as 'the young Hutu males who carried out the Rwandan
Genocide acts against the Tutsis in 1994' but who 'did not have
a clearly organized group of followers'. Such language is telling.
Wikipedia attributes the Interahamwe with 'acts' of genocide while
also noting their total lack of organization, both facts being
contrary to an organized, pre-planned, systematic genocide-which
is exactly what the judges at the ICTR opined in their decisions
of December 12, 2008.
 Banro Corporation, Financial Reports, http://www.banro.com/s/Financials.asp.
See map of properties in South Kivu: http://www.banro.com/s/Properties.asp
 Banro Corporation directors: http://www.banro.com/s/Directors.asp
 Banro Corporation, "Why Africa and the DRC?" http://www.banro.com/s/WhyCongo.asp
 Michael Maren, The Road To Hell: The Ravaging Affects of
Foreign Aid and International Charity, 1996.
 "Ben Affleck Meets Former Child Soldiers in Save the
Children's Campaign to 'Rewrite the Future'," Save the Children.
 We are immediately reminded of the extensive and costly public
relations campaigns of the Atlanta (GA) based Dian Fossey Gorilla
Fund. The DFGF cranked out public relations stories describing
a beautiful school of university quality that was built, outfitted
and sponsored by western donors. However, the situation at the
Tayna Center for Conservation Biology-the "American University"
and crown jewel of the Conservation International and DFGF efforts-was
a sham. See: keith harmon snow and Georgianne Nienaber, "King
Kong," Parts 5 & 6, published August 2007 by COA News,
available here: http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=45.
 Marc Gunther, "Why CEOs love Rwanda: As a small African
nation recovers from genocide, Google, Starbucks and Costco lend
a hand," Fortune Magazine, April 3, 2007.
 See: Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa,
1993-1999, Mellen Press, 1999; and Discredit the Hutu Population
Forever, Analysis of the social, political, economic, military,
geostrategic and diplomatic aspects of the crises in Rwanda before,
during and after the outbreak of the crisis on April 6, 1994,
Report by Dr. Helmut Strizek, Case no ICTR 2000-56-I, Bonn, August
3, 2008; keith harmon snow: "Psychological Warfare, Embedded
Reporters and the Hunting of Refugees," Global Research,
April 12, 2008.
 See: Peter Erlinder, " Rwanda: No Conspiracy, No Genocide
Planning ... No Genocide?" Jurist, December 23, 2008, <
 "International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) /
Bagosora, Ntabakuze and Nsengiyumva given life sentences;_Kabiligi
acquitted," African Press Organization, December 18, 2008,
 Peter Erlinder, " Rwanda: No Conspiracy, No Genocide
Planning ... No Genocide?" Jurist, December 23, 2008, <
 Final report of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, UN, S/2008/773, December 2008.
 Walter Kansteiner, the son of a coltan trader in Chicago,
is the former Assistant Secretary of State for Africa and former
member of the Dept. of Defense Task Force on Strategic Minerals.
Kansteiner's speech at The Forum for International Policy in October
of 1996 advocated partitioning the Congo (Zaire) into smaller
states based on ethnic lineage. Ironically, while the speech was
given, Laurent Kabila and his ADFL were beginning their march
to overthrow Mobutu with the aid of Rwanda, Uganda, and the US.
 "Actor Ben Affleck and Rolling Stone Mick Jagger join
forces to help UN refugee agency," UN News Center, December
17, 2008. http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=29335&Cr=DRC&Cr1
 Roxanne Stasyszyn, "A World Playground: Congolese Sacrificed
for International Games and Profits," Dissident Voice, November
 Kate Holt and Leonard Doyle, "Harassment, intimidation
and secrecy-UN chief engulfed in sex scandal," The Independent,
February 18, 2005.
 See: keith harmon snow, A People's History of Congo's Jean-Pierre
Bemba," Toward Freedom, September 18, 2007, http://towardfreedom.com/home/content/view/1123/1/
 keith harmon snow, personal interviews with UNHCR and Ogoni
refugees in Cotonou, Benin, 1997. See also: keith harmon snow
(under the pseudonym Zak Harmon), "No Safe Haven: Even in
refugee camps, Nigeria's Ogonis face abuse and intimidation,"
Toward Freedom, Vol. 46, No. 6, November 1997.
 Livelihoods and Vulnerabilities Study, Gambella Region of
Ethiopia, United Nations Report, made public 'without authorization'
by keith harmon snow, December 13, 2006, http://www.allthingspass.com/journalism.php?catid=13
 See: Mark Prutsalis, SITREP #10 Refugees in Tanzania, Refugees
International, May 17, 1994.
 Shaharyar Khan, The Gersony 'Report' Rwanda, Outgoing Code
Cable, United Nations, October 14, 1994.
 Clifford H. Bernath and David C. Gompert, The Power to Protect:
Using New Military Capabilities to Stop Mass Killings, Refugees
International, July 2003.
 Conflict and Development: Peacebuilding and Post-conflict
Resolution; Sixth Report of Session 2005-06, Parliament Great
Britain International Development Committee, 2006, pp. 247, 251.
 You will find an interview favorable to Rwanda's Gen. Laurent
Nkunda published as an "Exclusive Interview" in the
Huffington Post by this writer's former colleague. See: Georgianne
Nienaber "Congo rebel leader Accused of War Crimes Tells
His Story," Huffington Post, January 9, 2009.
 Letter titled Violation of OECD Guidelines for multinational
PricewaterhouseCoopers Ltd. New York, by Mag. Thomas Eggenburg,
Vienna, Monday, March 27, 2006. It is important to recognize that
the interested parties who brought the PricewaterhouseCoopers
crimes to light are themselves corporate competitors interested
in controlling the Lueshe mine: Kroll Associates.
 Donations often occur in the form of tax write-offs that
provide significant and expeditious benefits to the 'donors' due
to their timing and amounts. http://www.unhcr.org/partners/PARTNERS/483c14692.pdf
 Credit Suisse Group web site: http://www.credit-suisse.com/governance/en/board_of_directors.html