excerpts from the book
Pigs at the Trough
How corporate greed and political
corruption are undermining America
by Arianna Huffington
Three Rivers Press, 2003
In Without Conscience, renowned criminologist Dr. Robert Hare
identified the key emotional traits of psychopaths. Included in
what he called "The Psychopathy Checklist" were: the
inability to feel remorse, a grossly inflated view of oneself,
a pronounced indifference to the suffering of others, and a pattern
of deceitful behavior.
"Businessmen," said Ayn Rand in 1961, "are the
symbol of a free society-the symbol of America. If and when they
perish, civilization will perish." Obviously the high priestess
of free enterprise never met the men of Enron, Adelphia, and WorldCom
In books such as The Virtue of Selfishness
and Atlas Shrugged, the bibles of free marketeers like Alan Greenspan,
Rand championed the idea that by doing what is best for yourself,
you end up doing what is best for society. That equation has now
been turned on its ear. The gross excesses of today's crony capitalists
are no longer aligned with the interests of their shareholders
or workers, or even with the long-term interests of the companies
they run-not to mention society as a whole.
The top 1% of stock owners hold 47.7% of all stocks by value.
The bottom 80 % of stock owners own just 4.1% of total stock holdings.
Between 1990 and 2000, average CEO pay rose 571 %. Between 1990
and 2000, average worker pay rose 37%.
How can there be talk of a shared destiny in a nation where just
over one percent of the population (170 billionaires, 25,000 deca-millionaires
and 4.8 million millionaires) control approximately 50% of the
entire country's personal wealth? Where the richest 20% earn 48.5%
of the income and the poorest 20% merely 5.2%? Where, since 1980,
real income for the bottom fifth of families fell by $800, while
for the top fifth, it rose by $56,800?
Our MBA President and His CEO Sidekick
Of course, one of the main reasons the
Bush administration has been so reluctant to rein in corporate
America is because it is so much a part of it, with a vice president
who was a CEO, three former CEOs who hold cabinet-level positions,
two-dozen ambassadors who are former CEOs or company chairmen,
a president who is the first commander-in-chief with an MBA, and
a domestic agenda no deeper than tax breaks for friends.
Fittingly, then, both the president and
the vice president were caught in the rising tide of corporate
scandals that washed over the White House lawn in the summer of
The Bush crisis control team had an off
day that July 31 when, in the space of 12 hours, it was revealed
that both Harken Energy, while President Bush was on its board,
and Halliburton, while Vice President Cheney was its CEO, had
created subsidiary shell companies in offshore tax havens. The
administration's attempt at what was supposed to be damage control
did more harm than good.
First, Bush and Cheney's reps tried to
argue that even though setting up shop in the Caymans is a favorite
ploy of companies looking to avoid paying their fair share of
taxes-remember Enron had 881 subsidiaries there-that wasn't the
reason Harken or Halliburton had done it. Well, pray tell, what
was? A desire to rack up frequent flier miles checking on the
company headquarters/PO box? Exploiting all the oil under the
Cayman Islands? Cheaper umbrella drinks for company meetings?
As if this half-hearted evasion wasn't
lame enough, White House spokesman Dan Bartlett fell back on the
classic Plan B: trying to make friends and win arguments by splitting
hairs. Harken's offshore entity wasn't designed to evade taxes,
explained Bartlett at the time, it was meant to enhance "tax
competitiveness." And to his credit, Bartlett didn't even
break out laughing after this claim. Probably waited until he
got back to his office. Oh yeah, and, also, oral sex isn't-well,
you know the drill.
White House press secretary Ari Fleischer
even tried the ol' No Harm, No Foul defense, arguing that the
reason Bush's company went Caribbean was a "moot question"
because Harken never made any money on the Cayman venture. Memo
to Fleischer: arguing that the crime didn't pay isn't a defense.
And by the way, thank you, Ari, for further
evidence that our MBA president was an exceedingly poor businessman.
These wobbly spin doctors' task was, admittedly,
made much harder by the fact that on the same day these tax dodge
disclosures came to light, President Bush had spoken out with
his usual Dudley Do-Right forthrightness against the very same
practice. "We ought to look at people who are trying to avoid
U.S. taxes as a problem," he said. Indeed we ought. So why
Let's start by looking at the problem
of the vice president and Halliburton. During the Number Two's
time as the company's Number One, there was a dramatic increase
in the number of Halliburton subsidiaries registered in tax havens:
from nine in 1995 to 44 in 1999. And it was accompanied by a no
less spectacular drop in Halliburton's federal taxes: from $302
million in 1998 to less than zero-to wit, an $85 million rebate-
At the same time they were hard at work
stiffing U.S. taxpayers, Cheney and Halliburton were happily nursing
at the public teat-the company received $2.3 billion in government
contracts and another $1.5 billion in government financing and
During the vice-presidential debate, Cheney
scored points responding to a Joe Lieberman zinger about the millions
Cheney had made during the Clinton-Gore years by boasting that
"the government had absolutely nothing to do" with his
burgeoning bank account. Only someone fully immersed in the corporate
culture of our day could view $3.8 billion as "absolutely
It would have been nice to hear what Mr.
Cheney has to say about all of this, but he began making himself
very scarce- especially when it came to the media-right around
the time in May 2002 when reports first surfaced that the Securities
and Exchange Commission was looking into Halliburton's Cheney-era
His vanishing act was so effective that
many started to wonder if Cheney has returned to his "secure,
undisclosed location." If he had, it was only because the
mountain hideaway was filled with fat-cat donors. It turned out
that the vice president had been talking after all-but only to
those ready to write a hefty check to the GOP.
Cheney headlined more than 70 fundraising
events leading up to Election Day 2002. At one such event, donors
who ponied up $25,000-per-couple were allowed to take part in
a 45-minute roundtable discussion with Cheney. So it seems that
if the White House Press Corps wants to get any serious face time
with the vice president, it's gonna cost them. $277.50 per minute.
I wonder if Connie Chung and Chris Matthews or Mike Wallace and
Morley Safer can team up and get the couples' rate?
Of course, Cheney's reluctance to talk
to reporters is understandable, given what has come to light about
his heretofore highly touted tenure at Halliburton, including
the questionable accounting, the offshore subsidiaries, and the
revelation that the company did business with Iran, Libya, and-despite
Cheney's denials-Iraq. It's his very own "Axis of Profits."
But, to be fair, under Cheney, Halliburton
did end up giving a little something back to America-in the form
of $2 million worth of fines for consistently overbilling the
Pentagon. In one case they charged $750,000 for work that actually
cost them only $125,000. Despite all this, the company has continued
to be awarded massive government contracts, including a 10-year
deal with the Army that, unlike any comparable arrangement, comes
with no lid on potential costs. I guess it really does help to
have friends-and ex-CEOs-in very high places.
During a fund-raising appearance last
summer, Cheney lauded the White House's commitment to "more
accountability for corporate officials.'' I'd love to know if
richly rewarding corporations that have defrauded taxpayers is
the kind of "accountability" he was referring to.
Theodore Roosevelt, August 31, 1910
"There can be no effective control
of corporations while their political activity remains. To put
an end to it will be neither a short nor an easy task."
THE BLOODLESS COUP
The Corporate Takeover of Our Democracy
The financial scandals of our time were
made possible by an unprecedented collusion between corporate
interests and politicians that, despite all the breast-beating
about reform, is still going strong. Together, these two powerful
groups tore down hard-won regulations that restrained the worst
capitalist excesses, leaving in their place a shaky edifice of
feckless self-policing and cowed regulators, powerless to prevent
the corporate Chernobyls.
Because corporations are such generous
campaign donors and such demanding patrons, they have been coddled
and cuddled and humored by lawmakers until little remained of
a regulatory regime dating back to the last great era of capitalism
run amok, the 1920s...
Corporations get their way in Washington
by traveling a long-established highway of corruption-with well-stocked
gift shops at every exit. Lobbying in America has become a $1.55
billion business. There are 38 lobbyists for each and every member
of Congress. Lobbyists from just one industry alone, the hyperactive
pharmaceutical business, outnumber actual members of Congress
by 623 to 535. Get those guys a dose of Ritalin.
This is the nexus of corporate corruption;
the source of all the swill. The unseemly link between money and
political influence is the dark side of capitalism. It was this
link that prompted a full-court-press by key members of Congress
against crucial reforms proposed by ex-SEC chairman Arthur Levitt
in the nineties, reforms that might have prevented some of the
bloodletting of the last year.
It was also this link that gave Enron
and Kenneth Lay their aura of power, and made Lay a principal
shaper of the administration's energy policy and an intimate FOG
(Friend Of George). This aura didn't come cheap. Enron and its
executives doled out $2.4 million to federal candidates in the
2000 election and were among George W's biggest donors. Lay and
his wife alone have donated $793,110 to the GOP since W's dad
was in office. Enron has also spent big bucks lobbying Congress
and the White House: $4 million in 1999 and 2000 alone. The money
had bought the company a bipartisan who's who of Washington insiders-including
James Baker, Mack McLarty and Gore 2000 fundraising director Johnny
Hayes-to help push its corporate agenda.
In exchange for his unwavering support,
"Kenny Boy" was given unprecedented input into the makeup
of the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), the agency
charged with regulating Enron's core business. Lay bragged to
one potential nominee about his "friends at the White House."
He also personally put the screws to FERC chair Curtis Hebert
in an effort to change his views on electricity deregulation.
Hebert didn't oblige, and was soon the former chairman of FERC,
replaced by Enron ally Pat Wood. Wood actually insisted that the
collapse of Enron "doesn't seem to be tied too much to deregulated
energy markets." You know that something is rotten in Washington
when the top energy industry regulator is so unabashedly anti-regulation.
We also now know why the White House was
willing to go to court to fend off congressional efforts to find
out who Vice President Cheney met with for input on his Energy
Task Force. Turns out the VP and his staff had at least six meetings
with representatives from Enron-including two with Chairman Lay
himself-the last of which occurred just six days before the company
revealed that it had vastly overstated its earnings, signaling
the beginning of the end for the energy giant.
The Nexus and the Pharmaceutical Industry: Money Is the Drug
... Each year, tens of thousands of people
are killed by the giant drug companies, whose wanton disregard
for human life is only matched by the tobacco companies and firearms
With more than 100 deaths linked to its
best-selling cholesterol drug, Baycol, Bayer was finally forced
to pull it off the market. Though not until Baycol earned Bayer
profits $720 million in 2001 alone. Bayer was earning $7.2 million
for every death its product caused by leaving it on the shelves.
Or, depending on the way you look at it, a few more deaths were
just the price of doing business.
But what about the F.D.A., the agency
whose mission it is to protect us against just this very thing?
Not to worry. Thanks to mega-millions spent on campaign contributions
and lobbying, the pharmaceutical industry-Washington's longtime
800 pound gorilla on steroids-has been able to skirt government
oversight of its patent-extending and price-gouging schemes by
muscling politicians into doing its bidding. For every disease
the drug-companies cure by developing a new drug, they develop
a new way to contaminate our political system.
But nothing they've done in the U.S. compares
to their handiwork in Africa. There the U.S. drug companies deliberately
allowed the deadly AIDS epidemic to spread while they waged a
legal battle to keep low-cost versions of life-saving anti-AIDS
drugs from the millions dying of the disease. In 2001 the public
outcry about these dirty deeds finally reached critical mass,
shaming the drug companies' Washington lickspittles into looking
at their shoes when their longtime patrons came calling for more
favors. The industry was forced to relent, dropping its lawsuit
and begrudgingly lowering the price of AIDS drugs to poor countries.
At least they were able to make millions of dollars in profits
first. Too bad about the hundreds of thousands of people who had
to die. But maybe that's the Gloomy Gus way to see it, and the
pharmaceutical executives are glass-half-full kind of people.
They'd have to be, considering their latest
scheme. At a cost to consumers of billions of dollars, the drug
companies are using American courts to stall the sale of generic
versions of some of their most popular and sorely needed products.
Here's how it works: When a drug's patent is about to expire,
the patent-holding company wards off the oncoming competition
by filing numerous costly frivolous lawsuits against anyone who
even thinks of making a low-cost, and perfectly legal, version
of the pill. The drug company doesn't really expect to win, but
the suit can delay the generic version from hitting the market
for years-allowing the patent holder to rake in billions in additional,
competition-free sales. Of course, to the more than 41 million
people uninsured, the lack of an available generic version of
a drug means the lack of the drug altogether. And the beautiful
part (at least to the glass-half-full crowd) is that the public
gets to pay twice: we pay for unnecessarily high-priced drugs,
and we pay for the court system the drug companies are exploiting
to keep us paying the high price.
A bill to put a stop to this outrageous
abuse of our legal process was introduced by senators John McCain
and Charles Schumer and passed the Senate with 78 votes. Originally
considered a long shot, the legislation gained momentum, helped,
ironically, by the support of a number of other corporations that
have recognized that this kind of patent thievery is actually
costing them hundreds of millions of dollars in over-inflated
health care costs. And in a rocky economy, little things like
hundreds of millions of dollars get noticed. Executives at General
Motors, for instance, figured out that the drug manufacturers
maneuvering to maintain market exclusivity on five top-selling
drugs- including Paxil, Prilosec, and Wellbutrin-after the patents
had expired had cost GM over $200 million.
For the first time, it's not just voiceless
millions in Africa or poor people on Medicaid who are feeling
the sting of the drug I companies' shameful ability to bilk the
system. It's powerful corporations that pay top dollar for receptive
ears in Washington.
JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES
"The love of money as a possession-as distinguished from
the love of money as a means to the enjoyments and realities of
life-will be recognized for what it is, a somewhat disgusting
morbidity, one of those semi-criminal, semi-pathological propensities
which one hands over with a shudder to the specialists in mental
I Welcome to the Big House: How Many CEOs Will Learn the Real
Meaning of "Hostile Takeover" in Prison?
In the summer of scandal, the new consensus
along that other Axis of Evil, the one connecting Washington and
Wall Street, was that the very public hauling of a few corporate
crooks to jail would be a very good thing for the market, for
the economy-and for our political leaders' reelection prospects.
As soon as corporate crime finally started
to register on pollsters' seismographs, all of official Washington
was suddenly drunk on the idea of tossing CEO scofflaws in the
slammer. A day after President Bush took Wall Street to the woodshed
and proposed doubling the maximum prison term for mail fraud and
wire fraud, the Senate did him one better, voting 97-0 to adopt
stiff new criminal penalties for securities fraud, document shredding,
and the filing of false financial reports. "Somebody needs
to go to jail," Senator Tom Daschle intoned ominously. "We're
going to shackle them and take them to jail," growled Representative
Tom DeLay, sounding like he couldn't wait to slap on the handcuffs
You can count me in with the law-and-order
crowd. But the question is, How many of corporate America's new
breed of robber barons will ever actually see the inside of a
jail cell? Truth be told, despite the well-deserved roasting they're
currently getting over the media spit, many of the most notorious
boardroom bad guys are continuing to live the high life to which
they became accustomed while plundering their companies' coffers.
In July 2002, while visiting friends in
Aspen, I had a close encounter of the disgraced CEO kind: I spotted
Kenny Lay, garbed in a spiffy jogging suit, getting in a little
morning cardio not far from one of the two multi-million-dollar
vacation homes he keeps there. I realize that life isn't fair.
But wouldn't it be nice if it were a little more just? If Lay,
instead of jogging around the streets of Aspen in sweats, were
jogging around a jail-yard track in stripes?
But if the past is indeed prologue, very,
very few of America's new robber barons will end up in jail. In
the last 10 years, the Securities and Exchange Commission-which,
despite being the government's top corporate watchdog, doesn't
have the authority to toss even the worst Wall Street cheaters
in prison-turned 609 of its most offensive offenders over to the
Justice Department for potential criminal prosecution. Of those,
only 187 ended up facing criminal charges. And of those, only
87 went to jail. Eighty-seven. In 10 years. And far too many white-collar
criminals land in one of those ritzy country club prisons, where
inmates perfect their backhand and make collect calls to their
To make the current climate even more
temperate for corporate crime, most prosecutors are reluctant
to take on these kinds of cases, passing up more than half of
the ones the SEC sends their way. For one thing, proving fraudulent
intent is a tricky business-and in criminal cases, it has to be
proven beyond a reasonable doubt. For another, with rare exceptions,
most prosecutors have neither the passion for making corporate
criminals pay nor the zeal to pursue complex and challenging fraud
cases. Too busy busting prostitutes in New Orleans, I guess.
Even Eliot Spitzer, one of the few who
has shown the determination to take on Wall Street's elite, allowed
Merrill Lynch to walk away with a fine but without having to admit
guilt for brazenly misleading investors.
Another impediment to a vigorous legal
campaign is that prosecutors like to win. When they go after a
corporate player, they know they'll be locking horns with the
best legal talent that billions can buy-not running roughshod
over some overworked public defender. It's a high-stakes game
that many aren't willing to play.
So despite the PR value of pumping up
maximum sentences for corporate crimes, it's not going to make
much of a dent in boardroom thievery because so few of the perpetrators
will ever face criminal prosecution. For a corrupt corporate chieftain
crunching the numbers, the odds will still justify the crime.
Doubling the penalties for those convicted of breaking laws that
are so rarely enforced is hardly serious reform.
Compare this tiptoeing on eggshells to
the ardor with which our criminal justice system pursues even
the lowest-level drug offenders. In 2000 alone, 646,042 people
were arrested in America for simple possession of marijuana. And
while the Drug Enforcement Administration has a budget of $1.8
billion, even with the extra funds Bush wants to toss its way,
the SEC will have to make do with less than a third of that.
The sentencing side of the criminal justice
ledger exhibits the same inequity: the average sentence for even
the biggest white-collar crooks is less than 36 months; nonviolent,
first-time federal drug offenders are sent away for over 64 months
on average. So much for letting the punishment fit the crime.
The bitter truth is that, unlike the majority
of nonviolent drug cases, corporate malfeasance is not a victimless
crime. Not with tens of thousands of laid-off workers, $630 billion
lost from corporate pension plans, and more than $9 trillion in
shareholder assets wiped out in the scandal-fueled stock market
Here's the bottom line: despite their
tough talk, our political leaders are not serious about declaring
war on corporate crime...
Since, at its heart, the corporate scandal is a political scandal-
corporate money corrupts politicians who by passing or neglecting
to pass laws make corporate crime possible and profitable-it's
hard to see how we will ever get rid of this corporate hangover
until we cure our politicians' unslakable thirst for campaign
cash and their corporate masters' "infectious greed,"
to use Alan Greenspan's oft-quoted phrase. Teddy Roosevelt was
the driving force behind a tough ban on corporate donations that
was enacted in 1907, but Roosevelt's reforms were eventually circumvented
by the soft money loophole, now supposedly closed by the campaign
finance reform bill. As we've seen, the Federal Election Commission
has already been trying to undercut the reform. So it's essential
that we purge the Commission of commissioners who don't believe
in its mission, and that we fortify it with some real enforcement
But even before the commissioners and
the lobbyists and the lawyers started sniffing out the new loopholes
like pigs snorting for truffles, the ban on soft money was hardly
the end of the overwhelming influence of money on our campaigns.
The fact is soft-money donations made up less than 20% of the
nearly $3 billion spent in the 2000 elections, while hard-money
donations totaled roughly $1.75 billion. But it's a start.
There can be no clearer indication of how undemocratic the way
we finance campaigns is than the fact that only one-quarter of
1% donate $200 or more, and only one-tenth of 1% gives $1,000
Our elected leaders cite the absurd cost of political ads- the
single greatest expense of almost all modern campaigns- as the
main reason they need to fund-raise so aggressively. But consider
this. It was they who, in 1997, in an example of everything that's
wrong with Washington, gave away the digital spectrum to broadcasters-a
little gift now worth hundreds of billions of dollars. Demanding
that the broadcasters, who are now making massive profits using
the public airwaves, offer political candidates free TV time is
a small price to pay in return.
But ultimately the only way to dramatically
deminish the corrupting influence of special-interest money is
by adopting the Clean Money, Clean Election model, which replaces
the nonstop money-grab with full public financing of elections.
No hard money, no soft money, no endless dialing for dollars,
no quid pro dough deals. Just candidates and elected officials
beholden to no one but the voters.
And this is no pie-in-the-sky fantasy.
Clean Money laws in states like Maine and Arizona have proven
remarkably effective: reducing campaign spending, shrinking the
influence of outside money, and encouraging more-and better-people
It's time for our business and political leaders to help redefine
morality beyond sex, drugs, and rock and roll to include lying,
hypocrisy, and callous indifference to those in need.