Remembering Yugoslavia:
Managed News and Weapons of Mass Destruction
by Brooke Finley
excerpted from the book
Censored 2005
Project Censored
Seven Stories Press, 2004, paper
p127
BACKGROUND
Prior to the late 1980s, the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia-a nation built of six loosely affiliated
republics, two autonomous provinces, 25 separate ethnic groups,
and a multitude of religions-was an example of a cooperative struggle
towards unity. The government of Yugoslavia shared a collective
presidency composed of one representative from each of the republics,
with the objective of establishing a balance between the leadership
of the regional and national interests. Its economy, the system
which has come to be known as "self-management," reached
its most developed form in the Law of Associated Labor of 1976,
under which the means of production and other major resources
are not regarded as state property (as in the Soviet Union) but
as social property. From this basis of democratic socialism, Yugoslavia
was making a bold attempt to push diversity and progress forward.
Among its achievements were a literacy
rate that had gone from 55 percent in 1953 to 90 percent in 1986,
an infant mortality rate that dropped from 116.5 per 1,000 births
to 27.1 per 1,000 births over the same period, free medical coverage,
free education, and an ever-growing national identity that crossed
traditional boundaries. According to the 1992 Encyclopedia Britannica,
"Since World War II, largely in Serbo-Croatian speaking areas,
there has been the gradual emergence of a sizable section of the
population who prefer to describe themselves as 'Yugoslavs."
It also notes, "their numbers are growing steadily, more
as a result of ethnically-mixed marriages than because of high
natural increase."
The quotations above describe a vastly
different Yugoslavia than the one later depicted by NATO and allied
leaders. As early as 1984, the Reagan Administration produced
a classified National Security Decision Directive (NSDD 133),
entitled "United States Policy Toward Yugoslavia," calling
for a "quiet revolution" and then integration into a
neoliberal free-market economy. By 1989, Yugoslavia had undergone
a drastic shift. Needing to stabilize its economy, it borrowed
heavily from creditors including the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and World Bank. A western economic recession lead to an
interest-driven spiral of debt, and the IMF demanded "restructuring,"
including massive cuts in social spending, forced privatization,
and wage freezes. In the one-year span of 1989-1990 an estimated
600,000 Yugoslavian workers were laid off due to over 1,000 company
bankruptcies.
Michel Chossudovsky provides data that
shows how 6.1 percent GDP growth in the 1960s and 1970s became
a 7.5 percent decline by 1990, with real wages falling 41 percent.
In 1991, the GDP fell 15 percent further, while industrial output
shrank by 21 percent. The World Bank stated that an additional
2,435 companies were to be liquidated; "their 1.3 million
workers - half the remaining industrial work force - were considered
redundant," states Chossudovsky. "The IMF-induced budgetary
crisis created an economic fait accompli that paved the way for
Croatia's and Slovenia's formal secession in June [251 1991."8
Two days later, Bosnia and Macedonia followed. Wanting to remain
a united federation, Serbia and Montenegro refused the Western
ideals of capitalism and on June 27, 1991, the civil war of the
Republics of Yugoslavia began.
WESTERN INTERESTS IN THE BALKANS
Western economic and military interests
set the stage for the civil war that peaked with NATO air strikes
on Serbian Yugoslavia. Since the weakening and collapse of the
Soviet Union, the U.S. had been hungrily eyeing an estimated $5
trillion in vast oil reserves in the Caspian Sea. In addition
Yugoslavia held valuable resources in the Trepca mines complex
in the Balkans-gold, lead, silver, zinc, and coal that was worth
in excess of $5 billion. After the war, NATO used trumped-up reports
of mass graves and crematories at Trepca in order to take over
the mines although no evidence was ever brought forward to prove
NATO's accusations. The mines, which were once run by Kosovo with
the revenue reinvested in its economy, continue to be controlled
under NATO forces by private corporations. The profits from these
resources are now denied to the people of Kosovo.
After the destruction of Yugoslavia, the
U.S. gained control over the Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian Oil
pipeline (AMBO), which has become their gateway to the Caspian
Sea. AMBO Pipeline Corporation, based in New York, has exclusive
rights to the development of the project and is expected to begin
construction in 2005 with completion in 2008.
These assets (oil and mineral resources)
made Yugoslavia a golden fleece in the eyes of the West. When
the U.S. "stick-and-carrot" approach to foreign policy
failed to quell the "quiet revolution" so strongly desired
and instead ended in civil war, the use of force became a necessity.
The problem arose of how to do it within the bounds of international
law. We needed a smoke screen. And the media was very effective
in providing just that.
MEDIA PROMOTES BIASED COVERAGE
Nothing convinced the public more of Serbian
atrocities than the fabricated, Nazi-esque photos of a Bosnian
Serb camp at Trnopolji doctored from a videotape shot on August
5, 1992, by a British television team lead by Penny Marshall (ITN).
Marshall's team went out of their way to depict the most atrocious
images (Censored #17, 1999). Coincidentally, another Serbian news
team shot the same camp, on the same day, capturing Marshall in
much of their footage. The Serbian camera crew filmed Trnopolji
as a voluntary refugee camp, as well as Marshall sensationalizing
a story that never existed. What was later uncovered was the fact
that U.N. forces never found such "death camps" when
they gained access to all of Bosnia-Herzegovina. There were no
signs of metal cages, cremation furnaces, or mass graves, but
even this story went unnoticed in the press. The reports of "rape
camps" allegedly maintained by the Serbs were also found
to be fabricated. After U.N. troops occupied Bosnia, evidence
of such camps was never unearthed, and no medical records of the
waves of pregnant victims ever materialized.
Ruder-Finn Global Public Affairs, a Washington,
DC-based public relations firm, was hired by the Republic of Croatia,
the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the parliamentary opposition
to Kosovo in order to "manufacture" public opinion during
the destabilization of Yugoslavia. When the director of Ruder-Finn,
James Harff, was interviewed by Jacques Merlino, associate director
of French TV2 in April 1993, he boasted about his company's manipulation
of Jewish opinion. "Tens of thousands of Jews perished in
Croatian camps, so there was every reason for intellectuals and
Jewish organizations to be hostile toward the Croats and the [Muslim]
Bosnians. Our challenge was to reverse this attitude, and we succeeded
masterfully." 10 Harff explains that by mobilizing the Jewish
organizations after reports from a Newsday article came out about
the reputed Serbian death camps, Ruder-Finn was able to "present
a simple story of good guys and bad guys which would hereafter
play itself." Ruder-Finn did what most public relations firms
do: manipulate images, target key groups, bend information, plant
stories, and lobby Congress. But what made Ruder-Finn so successful
was the receptivity of the Western media, who had already been
creating an anti-Serbian climate.
US / KLA CREATE DISINFORMATION
The "Racak massacre" was (s
described in Censored #12, 2000) "the turning point"
in NATO's decision to go to war against Yugoslavia. According
to The New York Times, U.S. diplomat William Walker led an Associated
Press (AP) film crew to the site of a supposed massacre of 45
Albanians at the hands of Serbian forces. Challenges to Walker's
massacre story were published in lie Monde and Le Figaro. Belarusian
and Finnish forensic experts were later unable to verify that
a massacre had actually occurred in Racak. In his update, author
Mark Cook compared the massacre to the stories of the Battleship
Maine and the Gulf of Tonkin. War correspondent Renaud Girard
remarks, "What is disturbing is that the pictures filmed
by the AP journalists radically contradict Walker's accusations."
In January 2004, the Finnish pathologist
Helena Ranta, who led forensic investigations into the case, said
that Serb security troops were also killed. She questioned why
the photographs taken before the arrival of international monitors
had not been published. Only the photos taken by the Organization
for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) appeared in public.
Ranta claims that the OSCE observers forgot to take necessary
steps to secure the crime scene. She also said that the work of
the Hague tribunal (against Slobodan Milosevic) regarding the
supposed Racak massacre was incomprehensible. Ranta and other
forensic experts suggested that the bodies were from a fight the
night before involving the Serbian police and the KLA and could
have been staged in the manner that they were found. 13 In February
2000, PBS's Frontline reported the "Racak massacre"
exactly as the media had originally, posing no questions or further
investigations. 14 Once again, in the face of substantial evidence
to the contrary, with mounting questions as to its validity, the
mainstream media of the West towed the government story line,
forsaking journalistic integrity and objectivity.
In Athens, Greece, a tribunal of over
10,000 declared President Clinton a war criminal in November 1999.15
In June 2000, an international panel of judges gathered in New
York and found U.S. and NATO political and military leaders guilty
of war crimes against Yugoslavia during and before the assault
on that country from March 24 to June 10, 1999. Former U.S. Attorney
General Ramsey Clark was the lead prosecutor in the tribunal on
U.S./NATO war crimes against Yugoslavia. Witnesses described the
use of media to demonize Serbs, demonstrated how Washington had
rigged the Racak massacre for the media, and recounted how the
Rambouillet accord (Censored #10, 2000) had been used to force
war and occupation. Testimony included material illustrating the
deliberate targeting of civilians in the bombing of a Belgrade
television station, the bombing of refugees, and the bombing of
the Chinese Embassy. While the Western media has extensively covered
Slobodan Milosevic's indictment for war crimes, there has been
barely any mention of Clinton's violation of the War Powers Act
during the invasion of Yugoslavia or of either of his two civil
indictments.
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