Darfurism, Uganda and the U.S.
War in Africa
The Spectre of Continental Genocide
by Keith Harmon Snow
President Bush met with Uganda's President-for-life
Yoweri Museveni in the White House on October 30, 2007. Meanwhile,
a broad swath of Africa is engulfed in interrelated genocides
and covert operations involving both the U.S. and Uganda, there
is a growing demand to probe the accounts of "Save Darfur"
to find out how the tens of millions collected are being spent
due to allegations of arms-deals and bribery, and the "Save
Darfur" movement has become the false flag action of the
West, supported by most everyone, people who know little or nothing
about what it is they are supporting.
When President George Bush met with Ugandan
President Yoweri Museveni at the White House on October 30 they
certainly discussed much more than "Uganda's leadership in
Somalia, the Lord's Resistance Army, and President Museveni's
development plan for northern Uganda" or their "strong
partnership to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS in Uganda," as
announced by the White House Office of the Press Secretary.
The role of Yoweri Museveni and his "government"
in service to the Western economic neoliberalism and the shock
doctrine of deconstruction and chaos is greatly misunderstood
and deeply camouflaged by simplified establishment narratives
like those above. Bush and Museveni discussed the U.S.-Uganda
military relations and bilateral involvement in the ongoing wars
in Sudan, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Congo).
The "partnership to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS" is
camouflage language for military vaccination and bio-warfare programs
involving pharmaceutical giants like Pfizer, the Walter Reed Army
Institute of Research, USAID, and "humanitarian" philanthropies.1
A vaccine for malaria was developed for the U.S. military some
time ago and this is shared only with certain U.S. client state
partners, though "clinical trials" have been undertaken
in public using African "volunteers."2
Museveni and Bush certainly discussed
America's escalating war in the Sahara desert, expanding petroleum
operations across the region, U.S. Special Forces deployments
and newly identified uranium resources in Uganda.3 Maybe they
discussed the March 1, 1999 killing of eight foreign tourists
at Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, a story that has not yet
been critically unpacked.4 The "development plan for northern
Uganda" is euphemistic language for the ongoing depopulation
and massive natural resource extraction that today proceeds in
northern Uganda in parallel with the genocide of the Acholi people
and Uganda's militarization in support of covert programs in Sudan
The Darfur conflict rides along the fault
line of continental warfare spread from Niger to Djibouti and
Somalia, and from eastern Congo and Rwanda, through Uganda and
Sudan, to Eritrea and the Red Sea. Congo is at war with Uganda
and Rwanda. Ethiopia is at war with Somalia, and poised to reinvade
Eritrea: there are massive troop build-ups on both sides of the
Eritrean-Ethiopia border. Ethiopia, Uganda and Chad are the three
"frontline" states militarily destabilizing Sudan. Uganda
is internally and externally at war, has intervened secretly in
Burundi, and the Ugandan military recently re-occupied towns in
eastern Congo over petroleum. Rwanda is fighting in Eastern Congo,
meddling in Burundi, and has some 2000 troops in Darfur. Burundi
is militarily involved in Congo and soon to be in Somalia. Khartoum
backs guerrilla armies in Uganda, Chad and Congo.
The U.S. is all over the place, with both
covert and overt military programs. France, England, Canada, Belgium,
Libya, Israel and China are all involved. All these conflicts
are intertwined, and the targeted populations have allegiances
and alliances dictated by the pre-colonial boundaries demarcated
at the Berlin Conference of 1885 by the imperial doctrine of divide
and conquer. In 1885 "Soudan" was synonymous with "Sahara"
and "Darfur" was the center of power.5 Conflict involving
U.S. covert forces and nomads in Niger and Nigeria, for example,
impacts Sudan: the history of the Sahara revolves around the trans-Saharan
influence of the Mahdi. In 1875 the Mahdi, Muhammad Ahmad, led
the indigenous resistance against Britain. 'Abdallah at-Ta'ishi,
the Mahdi's "Khalifah" or successor, who took over as
leader of the independent Sudan when the Mahdi died in June 1885,
was a native of Darfur.6
PEACE IS WAR IS PEACEKEEPING
On October 24, 2007, the United Nations
awarded Lockheed-Martin subsidiary Pacific Architects and Engineers
a $250 million no-bid contract to provide "infrastructure"
for the United Nations "peacekeeping" missions now unfolding
in Sudan (Darfur), Somalia, and Chad/Central Africa Republic.
The newly announced contract is to build five new camps in Sudan's
Darfur and Kordofan regions for 4,100 U.N. and African Union personnel.
Lockheed Martin is the world's largest and most secretive aerospace
and defense corporation.
This is not Pacific Architects and Engineers'
first contract in Darfur, or in Africa's "peacekeeping"
missions. PAE won the contract for staffing the deeply compromised
"Civilian Protection Monitoring Team" (CPMT) in Sudan
under a U.S. State Department contract. In 2004, the CPMT office
was being run by Brigadier General Frank Toney (retired), who
was previously the commander of Special Forces for the United
States Army; General Toney organized covert operations into Iraq
and Kuwait in the first Gulf War.
Pratap Chaterjee reported in 2004 how
"Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Bittrick, the deputy director
of regional and security affairs for Africa at the State Department,
flew to Ethiopia to hammer out an agreement to support African
Union troops by committing to provide housing, office equipment,
transport, and communications gear. This will be provided via
an 'indefinite delivery, indefinite quantity' joint contract awarded
to Dyncorp Corporation, and Pacific Architects & Engineers
(PAE) worth $20.6 million."7 PAE also set up MONUC operations
in Congo, and continues to operate there; the total PAE involvement
includes numerous intermediary contracts. In 2002, PAE/Daher won
a $34 million air-services follow-on contract amidst complaints
of a "lack of transparency and irregularities in the procurement
systemconfirmed by the bidding of the air-service contract with
PAE/Daher."8 Daher International is a French aerospace and
Meanwhile, the "Save Darfur"
advocates pressing military intervention in Darfur as a "humanitarian"
gesture have escalated pressure in the face of mounting failures,
including allegations that millions of "Save Darfur"
dollars fundraised on a sympathy for victims platform have been
But the players, the private military
companies, the arms dealers-and a handful of missing SRAM missiles
armed with nuclear warheads dumped by an American B-52 before
it crashed-are mostly unknown to the general public. These covert
wars all involve different propaganda strategies to provide cover
and deflect attention through "perception management"-managing
the perceptions, stereotyping and creating false belief systems-of
the North American and European public.
The numbers of refugees and internally
displaced persons across the region are staggering and they are
indicative of a cataclysmic regional crisis in sub-Saharan Africa.
This is not because refugees, insurgency and guerrilla warfare
are inherent to Africa: refugees and IDPs are big business for
white systems of power that maintain structural violence based
on profits and the globalization of poverty, terror and war. The
numbers are staggering, and these are not merely statistics, they
are about suffering human beings.
United Nations agencies report some 4,700,163
internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Sudan-2,152,163 in Darfur
and 2,276,000 in Northern Sudan-with some 686,311 refugees out
REGIONAL REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED
Burundi: 100,000 IDPs 396,541 refugees
Chad: 179,940 IDPs 36,300 refugees
Central Africa Rep.: 212,000 IDPs
71,685 refugees out
Dem. Rep. of Congo: 1,400,000 IDPs
401,914 refugees out
Eritrea: 32,000 IDPs 193,700 refugees
Ethiopia: ?200,000? IDPs 80,000
Kenya: 413,000 IDPs 5,356 refugees
Rwanda: ???? IDPs 92,966 refugees
Somalia: 700,000 IDPs 464,253 refugees
Sudan: 4,703,163 IDPs 686,311 refugees
Uganda: 1,310,000 IDPs 21,752 refugees
Is Kenya at war? Sure looks like it. Unreported
anywhere are the massive petroleum concessions and exploration
projects in Kenya's remote Samburu and Turkana districts. (For
$5000 apiece you can purchase reports like "Petroleum Potential
of Lake Turkana Area" from international oil and gas consultants
Beicip-Franlab.11) G.H.W. Bush's old Swedish pal Adolph Lundin
and Lundin Petroleum signed an exploration contract for the Turkana
region in June 2007.12
While the United Nations lists some 200,000
IDPs in Ethiopia, the Norwegian Refugee Council's Internal Displacement
Monitoring Centre (iDMC) reports: "[r]elatively little is
known about the extent and nature of conflict-induced internal
displacement in Ethiopia." There are 92,966 refugees out
of Rwanda, if we can trust the iDMC numbers, and an "indeterminate"
number of IDPs. Refugee and IDP statistics, like mortality figures,
are highly politicized. The situation in Ethiopia today is cataclysmic
and the United Nations and the vast network of profit-based NGOs
operating in Ethiopia are complicit in genocide because they do
not stand up against that regime in fear of losing business.13
These humanitarian emergencies involve
massive depopulation and death, internally displaced persons and
trans-national refugees, all of which provide a lucrative business
opportunity for Western "relief" and "development"
organizations. The business of AID is a racket. Weapons sales
are a racket. The people who suffer are different from the industries,
the providers of services, equipment and expertise who profit
from these crises. Like most weaponry, landmines are predominantly
manufactured in white economies of North America and Europe and,
scandalously, it is the companies from the same white economies
who have a lock on UN landmine removal contracts worth billions
of dollars a year. The so-called "humanitarian relief"
business is an industry that relies on the creation of markets.
Millions of people across the region are dying, while millions
more are homeless, set adrift in a sea of nowhere, with no rights,
no possessions, no protection and very little prospect for survival;
their only hopes come from the false belief that the Western "humanitarian"
AID enterprise is designed to rescue them.
The engagement of the world's premier
war-making industries-Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Bechtel, SAIC-behind
and within a so-called "peacekeeping" platform is not
new, and something is seriously wrong with this picture.
THE 'SAVE DARFUR' NARRATIVE
"Save Darfur" is the predominant
propaganda front running on Africa and it has overwhelmed the
public consciousness with deceptions. In this establishment narrative
Arabs on horseback, the Janjaweed, backed by the Sudan government
seated in Khartoum, are the purveyors of genocide. This mirrors
the establishment narrative of Rwanda, 1994, which said that the
Hutus and the nasty Interahamwe militias committed genocide against
the Tutsis in 100 days of killing with machetes. The Rwanda genocide
narrative-combined with the narrative about "humanitarian"
intervention in Yugoslavia, where the final blow to dismember
the country came with the NATO bombing campaign-set the stage
for the Darfur genocide narrative.
All over the United States, Britain and
Canada advocates and activists who claim to be concerned about
human rights, and even those who otherwise would not get involved,
have supported the "Save Darfur" movement, a political
movement similar to the anti-Apartheid movement mobilized against
South Africa in the 1980s. The "Save Darfur" movement
has resulted in a huge outpouring of funds, and it has mobilized
support from people in all walks of life, and across the political
spectrum, on the "never again" platform of "stopping
Hollywood personalities dubbed "actorvists,"
including Mia Farrow, Don Cheadle and George Clooney, have helped
to whip up the "Save Darfur" hysteria. From Elie Wiesel
to Barak Obama, people are "outraged" by genocide that
the Bush Administration, we are told, is reluctant to stop. And
it is hysteria, in the true definition of the word, but it did
not simply rise out of a sudden concern for a bunch of Africans
in some far-off God-forsaken place (as it is portrayed).
At a "Voices for Darfur" fundraiser
held on October 21, 2007 at Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts,
for example, the local chapter of the Congregation B'Nai Israel
Darfur Action coalition, raised over $14,000 for "humanitarian"
aid to Darfur. The B'Nai Israel Save Darfur Coalition had a broad
array of public and organizational support, including other Jewish
organizations, Smith College, Northampton Mayor Claire Higgins,
Massachusetts' Senator Stan Rosenberg and Representative Peter
Kocot. The campaign organizers claim that "more than 90%
goes to direct-on-the-ground AID." Working with big humanitarian
groups like Doctors Without Borders and Save the Children, it
is impossible that 90% of funds will hit the ground in Darfur.14
Behind the "Save Darfur" movement
are fundamentalist organizations and think tanks with a deeply
nationalistic, militaristic, religious fundamentalist agenda.
The Center for Security Policy, for example, supports the "star
wars" Strategic Defense Initiative, Homeland Security-which
is nothing more than expanding militarism and emasculated public
rights-and the Biometric Security Project. The BSP centers around
emerging biological technologies that will be used to register,
identify, monitor, track and control each and every U.S. citizen.
They call it "identity assurance," it involves state-of-the-art
recognition equipment, sensors and security technologies, and
it is a central component of the evolving national security and
The Center for Security Policy is the
nerve center of the U.S. military and intelligence apparatus,
a deeply nationalist, neoliberal think-tank and flak organization
promoting the all-out attack against non-cooperative governments-dubbed
"rogue states"-peripheral to Western economic control.
These, of course, are primarily Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan, Yemen,
Syria, North Korea and Cuba. Zimbabwe is a special case that has
joined the list to some degree. What these states have in common
is that they are all targeted for divestment by the Center for
Security Policy brainchild, divestterror.org. Sudan is another
of the "rogue states" targeted.
The establishment narrative on Darfur
motivates U.S. citizens to take action to "Save Darfur,"
thus facilitating popular support for heightened U.S. military
involvement. The truth is that the United States military is already
there, in its various incarnations, and the United States is involved
THE UGANDA NARRATIVE
In the northern Uganda region-involving
South Sudan and northeastern Congo-another conflict has boiled
for over 21 years between the government Uganda People's Defense
Forces (UPDF), led by Yoweri Museveni, and the Lord's Resistance
Army (LRA), led by Joseph Kony. This war offers yet another one-sided
Western establishment narrative that says that Kony and the LRA-always
described as a Christian fanatical cult that captures and drugs
children-is the primary problem in northern Uganda. (Usually African
savages are not Christian enough for America's liking; here we
find that they are too Christian.)
The establishment narrative has been furthered
across the popular culture, in everything from Vanity Fair to
the BBC to the journal The National Catholic Weekly (America).
The newly established ENOUGH Project (ENOUGH "genocide"
and "not on my watch" etc. etc.) picked up the mantle
of LRA atrocities and, like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International,
has supported the establishment narrative which shields the Museveni
government from the kind of criticism and international action
that is called for in keeping with the scale of the atrocities
the Uganda government is responsible for. Amnesty International
and Human Rights have produced disinformation, in some cases,
Rwanda and Yugoslavia being the most notable.
The Museveni war machine and its state
terror apparatus have perpetrated massive atrocities in the region
and it has evolved into genocide against the Acholi, Teso and
Lango people of the north. The indigenous Acholi people have been
forced onto concentration camps over the past 21 years, and these
camps have become places of death. In the establishment narrative,
the people are always the victims of Kony's LRA "rebellion."
Human Rights Watch has addressed torture
and government complicity in atrocities in Uganda, and other problems,
but they have rarely named names or corporations and they almost
never link the conflict or the atrocities to Western interests.
One massive report on Northern Uganda details criminal government
actions, but the recommendations sections effectively sanction
structural violence and white supremacy.16 The net effect of these
policy and "human rights" positions is complicity in
genocide and genocide denial on Uganda.
Contrary to the proliferation of propaganda
always attributing Kony's LRA with child abductions-another example
of Western Orientalism that essentializes Africa to serve political
purposes-is research showing that many LRA abductions are short
term with children returning home from LRA abductions in less
than three weeks. Further, many children who fight with the LRA
have joined by choice, and they do so willingly.17 In "Childhood's
End" (Vanity Fair, 2006) Christopher Hitchens described the
LRA as a "grotesque zombie-like militiathat has set a standard
of cruelty and ruthlessness" American troops that have committed
atrocities in Iraq and Afghanistan, no less brutal or gruesome
or masochistic, would never be described this way.
Yoweri Museveni and his business and military
partners are responsible for millions of deaths, crimes against
humanity and war crimes in Eastern Congo. Museveni and his generals
were the primary backers of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba
and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo. With UPDF support,
Bemba's MLC perpetrated massive atrocities under the covert military
operation, Effacer le Tableau (Erasing the Board)-a scorched earth
policy amounting to genocide against the Mbuti pygmies of Eastern
The U.S. military invasion of Zaire (now
Congo), involved U.S. covert forces, U.S. military communications,
logistical and weapons support, and Ugandan and Rwandan forces.
Humvees, C-130's and black-skinned U.S. Special Forces entered
South Sudan and northeastern Congo through the Gulu and Arua Districts
of Uganda, the heart of Acholiland and the center of atrocities
against the Acholi people.19
Ugandan and British interests living mostly
in Britain and aligned with the former dictator Idi Amin have
always backed the Lord's Resistance Army and the West Nile Bank
Front; support also came from Saudi Arabia and Qatar (the Qatar
General Petroleum Corporation is involved in Sudan's oil sector
and has partnered in various international enterprises with Norwegian,
Japanese and French corporations). Idi Amin, the brutal dictator,
lived out his life in luxury in Saudi Arabia (d. 2003). The LRA
stepped up its military actions in parallel with the UPDF invasion
of Zaire (1996), and the subsequent years of warfare and plunder
in Congo (1998-present).
According to the investigations of the
United Nations and the humanitarian law work of lawyer Karen Parker,
the war in Uganda involves massive rapes, killing, tortures, and
extrajudicial executions as a policy by the Ugandan military.
Some 1.3 million people are displaced in the Gulu, Kitgum and
Pader districts of northern Uganda (there were 1.7 million IDPs
in March 2007). There are over 73 camps with from 1000 to 50,000
people in them, all forcibly displaced by UPDF soldiers, with
over 350,000 people out of some 400,000 people displaced from
the Gulu district alone.20
THE U.S.-UGANDA INVASION OF ZAIRE
The forced displacements of Acholi people
began with Museveni's ascension to power in 1986, but major forced
displacements occurred throughout the 1990's and again in 2002-2003.
However, there was a massive displacement operation in 1996 that
appears to have been coordinated in part with the planned U.S.
invasion of Zaire from Northern Uganda and Rwanda.
The UPDF Army barracks at Masindi and
airstrip at Gulu, both in Northern Uganda, served as the staging
grounds for the U.S. invasion of Zaire. The Museveni government
organized the closure of northern Uganda in October 1996 ostensibly
because of heightened LRA attacks. The UPDF, in chronological
coincidence with the U.S. invasion, forced hundreds of thousands
of Acholis into concentration camps in the fall of 1996, often
by bombing and burning villages and murdering, beating, raping
and threatening those who would not comply.
According to testimony from eyewitnesses,
on Oct 26, 1996 the top Ugandan brass behind the invasion of Zaire
met at the village of Paraa, in the Murchison Falls National Park,
near Lake Albert, in the Gulu District. At the meeting were: 
UPDF Brigadier General Moses Ali-Idi Amin's right hand man who
later became Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister for Disaster
Preparedness, and Deputy Prime Minister in the Museveni administration;
 Museveni's half-brother Salim Saleh;  then Colonel James
Kazini; and  Dr. Eric Adroma-head of Uganda National Parks.
Salim Saleh is perhaps the leading agent of terror in the UPDF
Zaire/Congo wars, but both Saleh and commander James Kazini led
UPDF troops involved in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and
acts of genocide involving millions of people in Eastern Congo
The meeting was ostensibly about security
and it was announced that due to a recent LRA rebel attack at
Paraa, the UPDF would be placing parts of Northern Uganda off
limits to all non-military personnel. (LRA rebels committed the
Paraa attack; UPDF troops arrived on the scene quickly and looted
bodies but did not pursue the LRA.) The main road from Karuma
to the border town of Pakwach was thereafter closed. This road
apparently served as a primary transport route for Ugandan and
non-Ugandan military-including black U.S. Special Forces-who invaded
On November 6, 1996, Bill Clinton was
elected. Around 10 November 2007 an armored 4_4 Humvee (HUMMWV)-heavily
rigged with sophisticated communications equipment inside and
out-was encountered carrying two black U.S. special forces in
the Murchison Falls region: the soldiers were wearing UPDF uniforms.
Two busloads of black U.S. Special Forces were encountered at
a UPDF checkpoint on the Karuma-Pakwach road; wearing civilian
clothes, with duffel bags, the muscled and crew cut "civilians"
showed U.S. passports and claimed they were "doctors"
heading to the tiny Gulu hospital. From November 21-23 Boeing
C-130 military aircraft passed over the region every 30 minutes,
24 hours a day, heading both north and south. The C-130's apparently
landed at Gulu airstrip-closed by the Museveni government for
a two-week period-and offloaded military equipment then moved
by roads-closed by the UPDF-to the border. Some C-130's were charted
on a course believed to take them to Goma, Zaire. From mid-November
to February 1997 access to northwestern Uganda regions was highly
restricted. On 1 March 1997 another wave of C-130's passed over
the region. The UPDF used the LRA threat as cover for massive
military operations involving the invasion of Zaire for the United
States of America.19
The in-country U.S. Ambassador to Uganda
at the time was E. Michael Southwick (October 1994-August 1997).
Oil surveys began in 1998 and the entire Northwestern Uganda region
is now designated as oil concessions controlled by Heritage Oil
and Gas, Hardman Oil and Tullow Oil, three Anglo-American companies
connected to British mercenary Tony Buckingham (founder of he
mercenary firms Sandline International and Executive Outcomes)
and his partners.22 Nexant, a Bechtel subsidiary, is involved
with the trans-Uganda-Kenya pipeline. South African firm Energem-tied
to Tony Buckingham through Anthony Texeira, the brother-in-law
of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba-is also involved. Another
Energem and Buckingham affiliated company tight with the Museveni
regime is Branch Energy, involved with the oil pipeline and mining
On September 5, 2007, UPDF troops-and
rebels reportedly aligned with Jean-Pierre Bemba-had occupied
the Congo's oil- and gold-rich Semliki Basin on the western shores
of Lake Albert. Heavily armed foreign forces occupied the villages
of Aru, Mahagi, Fataki, Irengeti and the Ruwenzori mountains.
The international press and the United Nations Observers Mission
in Congo (MONUC) remained completely silent about the Ugandan
incursions. By September 8, 2007, Ugandan troops were heavily
massed on the Congo border while Kabila and Museveni were signing
oil and gold sharing agreements in Tanzania. UPDF forces and "rebel"
troops alleged to be Bemba's remained in Congo as of October 25.
The MONUC information offices were claiming by mid-October that
UPDF had pulled out, but Congolese citizens in eastern Congo continued
to report a significant UPDF military occupation.23
The China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering
Company is also involved in the Uganda-Kenya pipeline, offering
an interesting comparison for people concerned about China's involvement
in atrocities in the Darfur region. And, after much scrambling,
Libya was cut out of the Kenya-Uganda pipeline deals.24 The petroleum
sector in Libya involves U.S., Canadian, and European companies.
Uganda's representation at the International
Criminal Court exploring war crimes in Congo has included at least
two very high-profile lawyers from Foley Hoag LLP, an influential
Washington law firm deeply entrenched in the proliferation of
the mainstream narratives and the victor's justice doled out-through
the ICTY and ICTR tribunals-on Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The Pentagon
seconded its lawyers from the Judge Advocate General (JAG) Corp
to the ICTR to "try" those unfortunate "enemies"
both arbitrarily and selectively accused of genocide.25
The people most responsible for atrocities
in the region-unprecedented human bloodletting, war crimes, crimes
against humanity, and genocide-are protected. These include Yoweri
Museveni, Salim Saleh, Paul Kagame, James Kazini, Moses Ali, James
Kabarebe, Taban Amin, Jean-Pierre Bemba, Laurent Nkunda, Meles
Zenawi a long list of people whose culpability is without question,
many of whom have been named for atrocities again and again. U.S.
Special Operations forces know what happened and should be deposed
under oath in a legitimate International Criminal Court, which
at present does not exist, and is not in the making. Ditto for
Madeleine Albright, Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering, Susan Rice,
John Prendergast, General William Wald, General Frank Toney, Walter
Kansteiner, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Holbroke, Roger
Winter, Frank G. Wisner, Andrew Young another short list.
Foley Hoag LLP is also tied to the U.S.-Uganda
Friendship Council. On May 6, 2002 in Washington D.C. Ugandan
President Yoweri Museveni and wife Janet were special guests at
U.S.-Uganda Friendship Council event sponsored by members Coke,
Pfizer and Chevron-Texaco. Museveni also met with President Bush
at the White House. Coke director Kathleen Black is a principle
in the Hearst media empire, while Coke directors Warren Buffet
and Barry Diller are directors of the Washington Post Company,
and these are the media institutions that whitewash client regimes,
corporate plunder and Pentagon actions. Of course, Coca Cola covets
the gum Arabic potential of Darfur, and Coke is a client of Andrew
Young's PR firm Goodworks International. Uganda's image is sanitized
by one of the world's largest PR firms, London's Hill & Knowlton.
In 2005 Uganda spent some $700,000 on a Hill & Knowlton contract
to facilitate and "encourage dialogue between the Ugandan
government and people like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty, Oxfam."26
THE RWANDA NARRATIVE
Museveni's bush war began in 1980. Paul
Kagame, current President of Rwanda, was Museveni's Director of
Military Intelligence in the mid-1980's. Museveni and Kagame led
the invasion of Rwanda in 1990. The two military commanders utilized
terrorist tactics that assigned blame for atrocities they committed-against
both their enemies and their own people-on their enemies. They
used psychological operations, embedded international reporters,
and fabrication of massacres. These tactics have continued to
While Rwanda is billed as a major "success
story" of recovery and development after a devastating genocide-see
for example the PR "documentary" film Rwanda Rising
produced by Andrew Young's Goodworks International-the country
is ruled with an iron-fist and a finely tuned intelligence and
torture apparatus involved in political assassinations, suppression
of information and disappearances. Huge areas of Rwanda were entirely
depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and UPDF as they hammered
away at Rwanda beginning in October 1990. The invasion culminated
in a coup d'etat that succeeded, with broad U.S. military support,
in capturing Kigali in July of 1994.
From 1994 to the present President Paul
Kagame has used the genocide card and the establishment narrative
to institutionalize repression, criminalize or assassinate anyone
who challenges the regime, and further depopulate rural areas
for "development" benefiting corporate interests.
Another member of the U.S.-Uganda Friendship
council is the Honorable Andrew Young, former Mayor of Atlanta
and U.S. Ambassador. Andrew Young and his firm Goodworks International
have helped whitewash the image of the Rwanda government and its
state apparatus of terror. Andrew Young, Quincy Jones and other
wealthy Americans are building (have built) mansions on the shores
of Rwanda's Lake Mwazi in areas where peasants were driven off
the land or killed by the Kagame terror machine before, during
and after 1994. State terror and depopulation is ongoing along
Lake Kivu and in the Volcanoes National Parks regions for methane
and high-end tourism development.27
Back to the refugees and IDPs question,
the United Nations recognized some 650,000 IDPs in "makeshift
camps" in Rwanda in 1998 and 1999, in the northwestern prefectures
of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. These IDPs were categorized as "mostly
Hutu" and forcibly resettled through implementation of Rwanda's
"National Habitat Policy, or "villagisation" policy,
of December 1996, which provides for the relocation of all Rwandans
living in scattered homesteads into government-created villages.28
While the UN ceased to recognize these people in Rwanda as internally
displaced, in 2003 there remained 200,000 families living in IDP
conditions.29 What is their status today?
Rwanda gains currency and good press through
big HIV/AIDS projects run by Paul Farmer but funded by the Clinton
AIDS foundation. Rwanda was overthrown by and for the Pentagon
on Clinton's watch. Hillary Clinton toured Uganda in July 1997,
wore African clothes, danced African dances, and spoke about "democracy"
and "development" and a "partnership" against
The Kagame regime has recently awarded
petroleum concessions to Canada's Vangold Resources for the project
titled "White Elephant" in northern Rwanda-2700 sq.
kilometers of land depopulated by the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army
between 1990 and 2007.30 Contracted to provide "feasibility
studies" of petroleum infrastructural development in Rwanda
is the San Diego firm Science Applications International Corporation
SAIC has ongoing collaborations with Bechtel-another
of the world's most secretive aerospace technology, energy infrastructure
and defense contractors-both known for their involvement in U.S.
beyond top-secret "black" programs; SAIC also works
closely with DARPA, the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency.32
Recent SAIC directors have included: U.S. Navy Admiral B.R. Inman
(Ret.); U.S. Army General W.A. Downing (Ret.); and U.S. Air Force
General J.A. Welch (Ret.). SAIC also has an ongoing collaboration
with the multibillion-dollar pharmaceutical giant Bristol Myers
Squibb (BMS).33 Unsurprisingly, through shared directorships,
BMS is economically and politically aligned with the New York
Times Corporation. SAIC has also been flagged for involvement
in highly questionable U.S. mercenary activities and human rights
violations in Africa.34
Petroleum, defense and mining interests
connected to the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International programs
in "gorilla conservation" led to the production of high-tech
satellite prospecting data, gathered by remote sensing over-flights
(1994-2000), delivered to the Rwandan Ministry of Defense.35
The Pentagon has been involved in building
military bases in Rwanda, installing military and civilian communications
infrastructure, and training Rwandan Defense Forces; a military-communications
radar installation has been constructed with U.S. support on Mt.
Karisimbi in Ruhengeri Province.36 The installation is being built
by the Rwanda Ministry of Defense in partnership with the "Rwandan"
company Terracom SPRL and Rwandatel. Terracom is owned by U.S.
businessman Greg Wyler; Rwandatel is 99%-owned subsidiary.37
It is believed that Rwanda Defense Forces
(RDF) sent to Darfur on the African Union "peacekeeping"
mission include black U.S. Special Forces disguised as RDF-just
as the black U.S. Special Forces were disguised as UPDF during
the invasion of Zaire.
Andrew Young is widely lauded as a leader
of the African-American civil rights movement and ally of Martin
Luther King Jr., claims that were specious to begin with. "In
Rwanda Rising," reads the PR promo for the film, Andrew Young,
"a former United Nations Ambassador, Civil Rights leader
and top aide to the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. documented
the amazing transformation taking place in Rwanda today, including
the country's remarkable story of reconciliation despite the 1994
Rwanda Rising opened the 15th Annual Pan
African Film and Arts Festival February 8, 2007. "Fifteen
years into the Pan African Film and Arts Festival and we continue
to showcase the important stories of our brothers and sisters
on the Continent," Festival Director Ayuko Babu said. "Having
Rwanda Rising open this year's festival is keeping in that tradition
while making sure that we stay connected to our roots in Africa."38
THE ROOTS OF STRUCTURAL VIOLENCE IN AFRICA
Lockheed Martin is a California-based
aerospace and defense giant involved in classified black programs
that are beyond "top-secret" and shielded from government
oversight. In September 2003, CNN-a corporate-military "news"
agency deeply embedded with the Pentagon-reported "[a]ccording
to the U.S. Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA)
classified or black programs account for about $23.2 billion or
17 percent of the 2004 budget request for the Department of Defense."
According to United Nations spokeswoman
Michele Montas the six-month Darfur contract with Lockheed-Martin
subsidiary Pacific Architect Engineers, Inc. was awarded without
competitive bidding "because of complex requirements and
a short timeline."
Reporting from the United Nations, Inner
City Press said the terms of the contract will not be public and
the United Nations has violated numerous UN charter laws in the
tendering of this award.39
The no-bid award process followed the
United Nation's issuance of an official "Expressions of Interest"
notice on October 9, 2007. "The United Nations is seeking
Expressions of Interest (EOI) from experienced Multi Functional
Logistics Services (MFLS) contractors," the UN's EOI notice
reads, "for the provision of a wide range of services at
headquarters, logistic bases, military and police camps, airfields
and water resources at various locations in any or all of the
following: the Darfur Region of Sudan, Chad/Central African Republic
(CAR), and Somalia."
Inner City Press reported that the EOI
solicitation, made after the rules had already been waived to
allow the transfer of $250 million to Lockheed Martin for six
months in Darfur, is intended to try to clean up the process after-the-fact.39
Another multinational aerospace and defense
corporation directly benefiting from this regional U.S. war is
Boeing Aircraft Corporation. The U.S. military used Boeing Chinook
helicopters in the U.S. invasion of Somalia in 2006. Tom Pickering,
former U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, is
senior vice president for International Relations and a member
of the Boeing Executive Council since January 2001. Pickering
played a decisive role in the Clinton Administration overthrow
of Rwanda (1990-1994) and Congo (1996-1997). He is a leading advocate
for the "Save Darfur" propaganda. He is also a member
of the Africa Society of the National Summit on Africa along with
Ed Royce (R-CA), former U.S. Senator Nancy Kassebaum Baker (R-KS),
Donald Payne (D-NJ), and Andrew Young.
While the New York Times reported in December
2006 that the Ethiopian invasion of Somalia began in late December,
military involvement of U.S. covert forces had been ongoing, and
was heightened significantly in the early spring of 2006 when
the U.S. Department of Defense and the Central Intelligence Agency
openly complained about cross purposes in Somalia. Private military
companies were all over Somalia, as were known international arms
syndicates, including of course the criminal networks of John
Bredenkamp, one of Britain's fifty richest tycoons and one of
the primary financial backers behind the rise and fall of Robert
Mugabe in Zimbabwe.
John Bredenkamp reportedly acquired three
SRAM missiles with nuclear warheads jettisoned in shallow water
off the coast of Somalia by a U.S.A.F. B-52 that soon after crashed
into the Indian Ocean near the U.S. military base on the island
of Diego Garcia. The U.S. invasion of Somalia is believed to have
been partly an aborted attempt to recover the lost nukes-called
"broken arrows" in Pentagon speak. While the story of
the dumped nukes "lost" by Dick Cheney has received
some attention, no one has publicly identified John Bredenkamp
as the likely weapons dealer involved.40
COVERT OPS IN SOMALIA
The war in Somalia dates back to deep
U.S. involvement in the 1980s, where major oil concessions were
awarded to four Western multinational petroleum giants: Conoco,
Amoco, Chevron and Philips petroleum. The infusion of Western
"AID" provoked destabilization of Somalia, leading to
the U.S. military invasion that culminated in the October 3, 1993
mission where scores of U.S. Special Operations Forces were killed
when their Blackhawk helicopter was shot down over the capital
city, Mogadishu. The mythology of U.S. involvement was indelibly
inscribed in the popular consciousness through the Hollywood/Pentagon
film Blackhawk Down. Part of the consistent propaganda on Africa
is that "the U.S. does not want to get involved and potentially
face another Somalia." But the U.S. pullout of Somalia occurred
in perfect synchronicity with the heightened military involvement
in Rwanda (1994).
U.S. Special Operations Command (SOCOM)
did not cease Special Ops deployments in Somalia with the U.S.
withdrawal and covert operations have proceeded on and off, with
heightened activity through the late 1990's. The Pentagon confirmed
in November 2006 that SOCOM forces were in Somalia as of October
"providing military advice to Ethiopian and Somali forces
on the ground." The U.S. Navy moved "additional forces"
into waters off the Somali coast, where the Pentagon said they
"conducted security missions, monitoring maritime traffic
and intercepting and interrogating crew on suspicious ships."
These included the USS Ramage guided missile destroyer, the USS
Dwight D. Eisenhower aircraft carrier, the USS Bunker Hill and
USS Anzio guided missile cruisers, and the USS Ashland amphibious
landing ship.41 On June 2, 2007, a U.S. Navy destroyer shelled
northern Somalia. Somali media reported that News media reported
that the strikes destroyed farms, flattened hilltops and killed
or injured an unknown number of villagers.42
The British Navy's newest warship HMS
Bulwark was also stationed off the Somali coast in early 2006.
The HMS Bulwark deployed to the Indian Ocean on 9 January 2006
for the first live operation of this "unique Commando Assault
ship" (as it is described by the British Navy).43
However, sources in Kenya and Eritrea
reported "snatch and grab" terrorist operations involving
massacres and torture that were run by SOCOM forces inside Somalia,
Ethiopia and Kenya. There are at least 52,000 U.S. special operations
forces on active duty and reserve military worldwide, including
SEALs, Green Berets and commando-style troops from the 10th Mountain
Division and others.
At least three U.S. Navy guided missile
destroyers were operating off Somalia in October and November
2007. The U.S.S. Porter, U.S.S. Arleigh Burke and U.S.S. James
E. Williams were operating-sinking "pirate ships" and
"terrorist" vessels-as part of the Combined Maritime
Forces Task Force headquartered in Bahrain.44
The establishment narrative is that Ethiopia
invaded Somalia to displace Al-Qaeda terrorists and check the
spread of Islamic fundamentalism, both of which are propaganda
themes that misrepresent the reality of U.S. and allied military
Ethiopia is considered an essential partner
of the U.S. in its "War on Terrorism" and Ethiopian
bases have been used for attacks on Somalia. In 2003, the U.S.
Army's 10th Mountain Division (SOCOM) completed a three-month
program to train an Ethiopian army division in "counter-terrorism
tactics"-code language for covert operations. Operations
are coordinated through the Combined Joint Task Forces-Horn of
Africa (CJTF-HOA) base in Djibouti. In January 2004, SOCOM forces
from the 3rd U.S. Infantry Regiment replaced the 10th Mountain
Division forces at a new base "Camp United" established
at Hurso, northwest of Dire Dawa, near the border with Somalia.
Since 2003, under the U.S. State Department-sponsored Africa Contingency
Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program, CJTF-HOA provided
instruction to thousands of Ethiopian soldiers at a base in Legedadi.
CJTF-HOA forces from the U.S Army's 478th Civil Affairs Battalion
also operated in Ethiopia (Somalia) in and around Dire Dawa, Galadi
and Dolo Odo, among other areas.45
Ethiopia seeks to control Somalia to gain
access to a much-needed deepwater seaport. Ethiopia's oil concessions
are contiguous with the oil reserves in Sudan, Somalia, Kenya
and Yemen. Hunt Oil, the Chinese National Petroleum Company and
many others are active in Ethiopia.46 Hunt's $18-million refinery
across the waters in Yemen was officially dedicated by then U.S.
Vice-President G.H.W. Bush in April, 1986. In remarks during the
event, Bush emphasized the critical value of supporting U.S. corporate
efforts to develop and safeguard potential oil reserves in the
The U.S. military used and uses Ethiopian
air bases modernized by infusions of millions of dollars of "AID"
funds to launch attacks against Somalia. Ethiopia now has the
largest standing army on the continent and this was achieved through
the conversions of millions of dollars in "AID" to weapons
and militarization; even "debt forgiveness"-where foreign
"debt" was canceled-benefited the militarization of
Ethiopia, and the same occurred in Uganda.See: Ituri: Covered
in Blood (part VII), Human Rights Watch, July 2003. U.S. spy satellites
were used provide intelligence to Ethiopian troops as they swept
across the Oganden basin and Somalia. Presidents Bush and Zenawi
both denied that the invasion was coordinated and well planned,
and both denied the involvement of the U.S.
The Ethiopian government retained former
U.S. Republican house majority leader Dick Armey as a lobbyist
in Washington to whitewash the Ethiopian regimes' crimes.48
The Ogaden, Oromo and Anuak regions of
Ethiopia have seen massive military occupation and state repression.
The Ethiopian government of Meles Zenawi has perpetrated mass
starvation and scorched earth policy in the region. There has
been very little international media coverage and most is favorable
the Zenawi regime or pressing the upside-down stories about "relief"
and "starvation" that serve the Western "humanitarian"
business sector. The Ogaden basin is a bloodbath today. Applying
the same legal standards as in Darfur, all three Ethiopian regions
qualify as ongoing genocides against indigenous people.49 Failure
to apply the genocide standards constitutes genocide denial.
The United Nations Security Council Resolution
1778 (2007) on 25 September 2007 established the United Nations
Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). According
to the UN's October 2007 Expression Of Interest, "[i]n it's
Presidential Statement of 30 April 2007, the Security Council
requested the Secretary General to 'immediately begin appropriate
contingency planning for a United Nations mission to Somalia'.
At this early stage it is planned to have a UN logistics base
at Mombassa, Kenya to support the main supply line from Mombassa
to Kismayo, Mogadishu and Hobyo, which will serve as secondary
logistics bases in Somalia. At this early stage the number and
location of these sites is unknown, but it is envisaged that approximately
24,000 personnel may be required."
Ethiopia's war in Somalia has taxed the
government drawing widespread criticism. The U.S. is pressing
for an African Union mission as a proxy force to replace the Ethiopian
troops and further U.S. interests. Mombasa, Kenya is a U.S. military
port. The U.S. war in Somalia is ongoing. More than 100 U.S. military
"trainers" supervised "combat training" of
two Burundian "African Union" battalions (1700 troops)
in Bujumbura, Burundi, in advance of their deployment in Somalia
expected in November 2007. French military also provided training,
while the U.S. and France both are providing logistical and telecommunications
support. Burundian troops are also in Darfur.50 On November 28,
2004, the Bush White House issued a document announcing a cooperative
agreement with Burundi, Guyana and Liberia preventing the International
Criminal Court from proceeding against U.S. personnel operating
in these countries.51
In March 2007 the Pentagon deployed an
additional 150 SOCOM Forces in Uganda. The troops were part of
the Combined Joint Task Force Horn-of-Africa, an "anti-terrorist
naval force" deployed around the Horn of Africa with support
points in Bahrain and Djibouti. Ugandan sources divulged that
the SOCOM troops would be dispersed "around the country"
to "support UPDF troops" and "provide support to
distribute humanitarian aid." It was openly reported that
the SOCOM are "possibly training the South Sudanese army,
which has just signed an agreement for this with its Ugandan counterpart,
strengthening Ugandan capacity to fight terrorism." The U.S.
military has also modernized the old Entebbe airport for UPDF
operations, and the Entebbe airport supports a small but permanent
U.S. military contingent.52
It is believed that U.S. SOCOM troops
are operating in blood-drenched Eastern Congo. Ugandan opposition
sources have reported that SOCOM forces in UPDF uniforms have
joined the more than 2000 Pentagon-trained UPDF forces sent by
Museveni to Somalia. The UPDF troops operating in Somalia behind
a "peacekeeping" propaganda front have been accused
of widespread atrocities. More than 1000 people die daily in Eastern
Congo where fighting since 1996 has claimed at least 7 million
lives. The Democratic Republic of Congo has seen multiple genocide
campaigns, and multiple genocide denials are ongoing.
SOCOM forces have been openly reported
in Niger, where operations are billed as "humanitarian"
and "human rights" training of Nigerien troops.53 But
the insurgency and "rebellion" by the Tuareg and Toubou
nomads has always been about uranium and depopulation: Canadian
and Chinese companies have recently gotten involved but Esso (Exxon),
Japan and French corporations were exploiting the Agadez and Air
regions in the 1970's and 1980's (at least), dumping radioactive
sickness and social devastation on another indigenous population.54
Niger is the poorest country in the world. Yet another genocide?
Exxon, Elf and Hunt Oil are in Niger for
oil. Barrick Gold is also in Niger, and in Guniea, Burkina Faso,
Tanzania, Madagascar and Mali; through their partnership with
Anglo-Ashanti, Barrick is responsible for atrocities and plunder
in eastern Congo. Directors of the G.H.W. Bush-connected Barrick
Gold include former U.S. Senator Howard Baker (R-TN), whose wife,
Nancy Kassebaum Baker, has been an outspoken advocate for immediate
action on Darfur.
"I was in the Senate at the time
of Rwanda," said Kassebaum Baker at a speech in 2006 where
discussed Darfur. Kassebaum Baker served as chairwoman of the
Foreign Relation Committee's Subcommittee on African Affairs.
"We were all aghast at what was taking place there [Rwanda],
but I must say no one really knew what to do about it," Kassebaum
The Bakers are on the advisory board for
the nationalist think-tank Partnership for a Secure America-another
policy-formulating-perception-management-force behind the "Save
Darfur" movement-along with a stellar cast of corporate executives
involved in war and plunder in Africa.56 Most notable of these
are Frank G. Wisner, Richard Holbroke, Anthony Lake, Thomas Pickering,
Carla Hills and Sam Nunn. Wisner was also on the National Security
Council under Clinton, along with the International Crisis Group
(ICG) Special Advisor and ENOUGH co-chair John Prendergast. Wisner's
co-directors of the American International Group include: Marshall
Cohen, a director of the Bush-connected Barrick Gold Corporation;
Clinton Cabinet members William Cohen and Richard Holbrooke; and
Carla Hills, NAFTA negotiator and director of Chevron-Texaco and
the ICG. Partnership for a Secure America advisory board members
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Pickering, Hills, and Kassebaum Baker are
all on the Board of Trustees for the ICG-International Crisis
Group-the leading flak organization pressing the "Save Darfur"
and Lord's Resistance Army (Uganda) narratives.
The Darfur region of western Sudan has
been a hotbed of clandestine activities, gunrunning and indiscriminate
violence for decades. The Cold War era saw countless insurgencies
launched from the remote deserts of Darfur. Throughout the 1990s
factions allied with or against Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Congo,
Libya, Eritrea and the Central African Republic operated from
bases in Darfur, and it was a regular landing strip for foreign
military transport planes of mysterious origin.
In 1990, Chad's President Idriss Déby
launched a military blitzkrieg from Darfur and overthrew President
Hissan Habre; Déby then allied with his own tribe against
the Sudan government. Sudanese rebels today have bases in Chad,
and Chadian rebels have bases in Darfur, with Khartoum's backing.
When the regime of Ange-Félix Patassé collapsed
in the Central African Republic in March 2003, soldiers fled to
Darfur with their military equipment. Khartoum supported the West
Nile Bank Front, a rebel army operating against Uganda from Eastern
Congo, commanded by Taban Amin, the son of the infamous Ugandan
dictator, Idi Amin, who heads Uganda's dreaded Internal Security
France is deeply involved in covert operations
and genocide in Africa. Central Africa Republic (C.A.R.), run
by General François Bozizé, is a major base of French
defense and intelligence operations linked to security regimes
in the bloody dictatorships of Republic of Congo, Togo, Cameroon
and Gabon, and France backs guerilla groups committing atrocities
in Chad, Sudan, DR-Congo, Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi. C.A.R. is
also a conduit for blood diamonds, and the back-up for France's
nuclear policy, today heavily reliant on uranium exploitation
in Niger: C.A.R. reportedly has massive uranium reserves. Like
oil-cursed Equatorial Guinea, C.A.R. is also a bloodbath, completely
off the international media screen.57
Darfur is another epicenter of the modern-day
international geopolitical scramble for Africa's resources. Conflict
in Darfur escalated in 2003 in parallel with negotiations "ending"
the south Sudan war. The U.S.-backed insurgency by the Sudan People's
Liberation Army (SPLA), the guerilla force that fought the northern
Khartoum government for 20 years, shifted to Darfur, even as the
G.W. Bush government allied with Khartoum in the U.S. led "War
on Terrorism." The Sudan Liberation Army (SLA)-one of some
twenty-seven rebel factions mushrooming in Darfur-is allied with
the SPLA and supported from Uganda. Andrew Natsios, former USAID
chief and now U.S. envoy to Sudan, said on October 6, 2007 that
the atmosphere between the governments of north and south Sudan
"had become poisonous." This is no surprise given the
magnitude of the resource war in Sudan and the involvement of
international interests, but the investigation should center on
the involvement and activities of USAID officials Andrew Natsios,
Roger Winter and Jendayi Frazer.
Roger Winter, USAID chief in Khartoum
today, is directly linked to the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army
and U.S. military campaign that destabilized Rwanda and decapitated
the leadership of Rwanda and Burundi. USAID's affiliations with
the Department of Defense are now openly advertised with the propaganda
peddling AFRICOM-the Pentagon's new Africa Command. AFRICOM combines
U.S. CENTCOM, PACIFICOM and EUCOM operations in Africa; it is
nothing new, merely the consolidation and expansion of widespread
and ongoing involvement.58
Darfur is reported to have the fourth
largest copper and third largest uranium deposits in the world.59
Darfur produces two-thirds of the world's best quality gum Arabic-a
major ingredient in Coke and Pepsi. Contiguous petroleum reserves
are driving warfare from the Red Sea, through Darfur, to the Great
Lakes of Central Africa. Private military companies operate alongside
petroleum contractors and "humanitarian" agencies. Sudan
is China's fourth biggest supplier of imported oil, and U.S. companies
controlling the pipelines in Chad and Uganda seek to displace
China through the U.S. military alliance with "frontline"
states hostile to Sudan: Uganda, Chad and Ethiopia.
There are claims in the Arab community
that Israel provides military training to Darfur rebels from bases
in Eritrea, but insiders in Eritrea dispute this. Israel has a
deep history of intelligence and military relations with both
Eritrea and Ethiopia, and Israel reportedly has a naval and air
base on Eritrea's Dahlak and Fatma islands, from which German-made
Dolphin-class submarines patrol the Red Sea with long-range nuclear
cruise missiles.60 Eritrea reportedly serves as Israel's outpost
for spying on enemies Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Sudan.61 Africa
Research Bulletin in 1998 reported an Israeli base in Eritrea's
Mahal Agar Mountains.62 Israel has clearly strengthened ties with
the regime in Chad, from which more weapons and troops penetrate
Darfur. The refugee camps have become increasingly militarized.
There are reports that Israeli and U.S. military and intelligence
operate from within refugee camps in Darfur. Israel is all over
the Sahara, from Burkina Faso to Ethiopia and Uganda. Israel's
clandestine actions are partly funded by Israeli-American diamond
magnates involved in Angola, Sierra Leone, C.A.R. and Congo, especially
Dan Gertler (G.W. Bush's unofficial Ambassador to Congo), Beny
Steinmetz, Nir Livnat, Lev Leviev and Maurice Tempelsman.63
African Union (AU) forces in Darfur include
Nigerian and Rwandan troops responsible for atrocities in their
own countries. Ethiopia has committed 5000 troops for a UN force
in Darfur. AU troops receive military-logistic support from NATO,
and are widely hated. Early in October 2007, SLA rebels attacked
an AU base killing ten troops. In a subsequent editorial sympathetic
to rebel factions Smith College English professor Eric Reeves
espoused the tired rhetoric of "Khartoum's genocidal counter-insurgency
war in Darfur," a position counterproductive to any peaceful
settlement.64 To minimize the damage this rebel attack has done
to their credibility Reeves and other "Save Darfur"
advocates cast doubt about the rebels' identities and mischaracterized
the SLA attackers as "rogue commanders." However, there
is near unanimous agreement, internationally, that rebels are
"out of control," committing widespread rape and plundering
with impunity, just as the SPLA did in South Sudan for over a
Debunking the claims of a "genocide
against blacks" or an "Islamic holy-war" against
Christians, Darfur's Arab and black African tribes have intermarried
for centuries, and nearly everyone is Muslim. The "Save Darfur"
campaign is deeply aligned with Jewish and Christian faith-based
organizations in the United States, Canada, Europe and Israel.
These groups have relentlessly campaigned for Western military
action, demonizing both Sudan and China, but they have never addressed
Western military involvement-backing factions on all sides.
Christian and Jewish involvement in the
"Save Darfur" campaign centers on a long-running but
deeply manipulative narrative about slavery and genocide in South
Sudan. The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum furthered the establishment
narrative about Darfur in keeping with the genocide theme; no
one ever examines the interests behind the Holocaust Memorial
Museum (e.g. Bob Dole), it is merely some apolitical institution
with the championing of supposed "universal" human rights
of all people everywhere as its raison d'etre. The new political
and propaganda doctrine that uses "genocide" as a political
tool is morally ambiguous, it attacks the crimes of some and passes
over the crimes of others. It uses as its universal principle
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its complementary
covenants and proclamations. On the one hand, however, this involves
genocide inflation, and on the other hand genocide denial. But
the USA-with good Christian and Jewish foot soldiers-is always
the final arbitrator: global cop, judge, jury, executioner, surgeon
and savior all in one.
Christian organizations involved in Sudan
for years include Servant's Heart and Christian Solidarity International.
On Servant's Heart's "Board of Reference" is British
Baroness Caroline Cox, who is also closely affiliated with Christian
Solidarity International (CSI)-one of the main Christian allies
of the SPLM/A war in southern Sudan. The propaganda system advocates
in favor of the "rebels" in Darfur using a handful of
techniques developed in their propaganda campaign behind the "rebels"
in South Sudan. Rebels are supported partly by never mentioning
them, partly by decrying abuses against them, partly by providing
sympathetic one-sided accounts of Khartoum government attacks,
and partly by defending their excesses if and when-infrequently-the
rebel abuses come to light.65
Christian Solidarity International (CSI)
in 2006 issued press releases claiming that the Lebanese organization
Hezbollah "is using Christian villages to shield its military
operations in violation of international law."66 These reports
appear to be fabrications to begin with and the CSI accusation
a projection of their own involvement with the SPLA in South Sudan,
where the SPLA for over a decade used the civilian population
as human shields, used the Western AID apparatus (Operation Lifeline
Sudan) as cover for military support, and used food as a weapon.
If Hezbollah did this during the recent U.S.-Israeli invasion
they [Hezbollah] certainly learned it by studying SPLA (CSI) tactics
in Sudan. Thus we have twisted triple-standards where the establishment
propaganda accuses Hezbollah of violating international law, but
the SPLM/A-and the "rebel" groups in Darfur-while doing
exactly the same thing, are never anything but poor, defenseless
Christians under attack in a "genocidal counter-insurgency"
run out of Khartoum government.65
Who are the rebels in Darfur? Where do
they get new uniforms and modern weapons? With the establishment
propaganda on Rwanda and the invading Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army
from 1990-1994, all abuses were covered up, the government of
Juvenal Habyarimana was blamed for everything, and the "rebels"-backed
by Washington, partnered with the Pentagon-were never exposed
for atrocities and scorched earth attacks. It was the same with
the establishment propaganda that covered for the SPLA: their
role in committing and provoking atrocities in South Sudan from
1983 to 2003 has been greatly misrepresented and mischaracterized
by virtually every popular source cited in the western press.
No one has pressed this line more than Dr. Eric Reeves, the Smith
College English professor and most widely cited "expert"
behind the establishment narrative to "Save Darfur."67
There is growing dissent within the "Save
Darfur" movement as more supporters question its motivations
and the links to Israel. "Save Darfur" leaders have
been replaced after complaints surfaced about expenditures of
funds. Many rebel leaders reportedly receive tens of thousands
of dollars monthly, and rebels emboldened by the "Save Darfur"
movement commit crimes with impunity. There is a growing demand
to probe the accounts of "Save Darfur" to find out how
the tens of millions collected are being spent due to allegations
of arms-deals and bribery-rebel leaders provided with five-star
hotel accommodations, prostitutes and sex parties.68
The French "humanitarian" charity
NGO Zoe's Ark (L'Arche de Zoé) involved in Chad and Darfur
is under investigation by the United Nations, France and Chad
for trafficking in black children in the widely under-reported
"L'Arche de Zoé affair." Chadian President Idriss
Déby is under attack for alleging "pedophilia"
and "organ trafficking" and for arresting seventeen
Europeans intercepted at an airport in Chad attempting to depart
to France with 103 "Darfur orphans" aged six to ten.
The Zoe's Ark project began fundraising April 28, 2007 to "evacuate
10,000 orphans facing certain death" to France and the United
States. Some 300 European's paid 2000 Euros ($3450) each as "donations"
toward logistics costs to receive an orphan. UNHCR determined
the children "were living with their families in communities"-they
were neither from Darfur nor were they orphans-and their health
was not a serious concern.69 The NGO was reportedly provided logistical
support by the French military, and they had made numerous trips
to villages on the Darfur border offering enticements and taking
children.70 Outraged Chadians on the border with Sudan had already
been questioning the motives of scores of foreign aid groups that
work with Darfur refugees.69 The United Nations and other relief
organizations initially denied all knowledge of the Zoe's Ark
NGO but the NGO was registered as an international charity with
the UN Mission in Sudan. The Zoe's Ark website lists 800,000 children
"in mortal danger today who must be saved now!"
Humanitarian relief is an industry, with
corporate directors, big salaries, career advancement, permanent
infrastructure in white economies but mobile, structurally nebulous
projects in black countries that entrench structural violence
and perpetuate dependence and suffering. Nancy Kassebaum Baker,
the outspoken advocate for Congo and Darfur, is also a Director
Emeriti for the International Medical Corps (IMC), a "humanitarian"
NGO with operations in Darfur, South Sudan, Central Africa Republic,
Chad, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Uganda, Burundi, Democratic Republic
of Congo, Liberia and Sierre Leone-all the "problem"
countries involved in the transcontinental warfare and then some-and
14 countries outside Africa, including the U.S.-occupied Iraq
and Afghanistan. Total revenue to IMC in 2005 was $101,727,119.
Amongst the (many) large IMC donors for
2005 and 2006 were numerous Christian and Jewish organizations,
charities and missionary affiliates, the Christian right organization
euphemistically named Bread for the World (Bob Dole, Donald Payne,
David Beckman, Leon Panetta links), and the American Jewish World
Service, Pfizer, BP, American Friends Service Committee, Chevron,
Trammel Crow (affiliated with Barrick Gold directors), Coca Cola,
World Food Program (Bob Dole link), USAID, U.S. Department of
State, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, and the U.S.
Department of Defense.
"Save Darfur" is today the rallying
cry for a broad coalition of special interests. Advocacy groups-from
the local Massachusetts Congregation B'Nai Israel chapter to the
International Crises Group and USAID-have fueled the conflict
through a relentless, but selective, public relations campaign
that disingenuously serves a narrow policy agenda. These interests
offer no opportunity for corrective analyses, but stubbornly press
their agenda, and they are widely criticized for inflaming tensions
in Darfur. This is what we might call Darfurism.
The latest Lockheed Martin contract with
the United Nations illustrates the latest stage in the transformation
of international conflict whereby military-industrial giants are
openly engaged, rather than clandestinely, as has been previously
the case. This development parallels the rise of Darfurism- a
mass movement in the West designed to channel popular sympathy
and agitate people to act on a cause they know nothing about,
but think they do. Darfurism is a pathological mix of fear, patriotism,
social immaturity, opportunism and unconsciousness akin to fascism.
Under the current climate of apathy, fear and public opinion,
anything goes, and warfare involves humanitarian agencies as active
players in the mix. Like the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum they
are seen as neutral, described as apolitical, but nothing could
be further from the truth.
The United Nations and African Union serve
as pseudo-privatized military forces backing a hegemonic, corporate,
political and economic agenda. Someone who produces both the danger
and, at a price, the shield against it is a racketeer.71 The future
has arrived, and it uses human rights institutions, the label
of genocide and accusations of atrocities, and the ever-expanding
international AID and charity industry-operating out of pure profit
motives-as pivotal elements in the Western portfolio of soft and
hard weapons used to further the prerogatives of Empire and clear
the land for absolute corporate exploitation. ~
EXPOSE UGANDA'S GENOCIDE
CEGUN: Campaign to Stop Genocide in Uganda
UNIGHT: FOR THE CHILDREN OF UGANDA
FRIENDS OF THE CONGO
ANUAK JUSTICE COUNCIL
0. Maurice Tempelsman chairs the International
Advisory Council at the Harvard AIDS Institute (HAI) of the School
of Public Health; his involvement in covert actions and interventions
flags this program as cover for clandestine biowarfare. HAI partners
with the U.S. Military HIV Research Program (USMHRP), a program
whose said purpose is to develop vaccines and AIDS prevention
for U.S. Military servicemen. #
0. Malaria Vaccine. #
0. Dulue Mbachu, "Africa's Unfolding Desert War," ISN
Security Watch, July 11, 2007. #
0. "Tourist Killings in Buhoma," Gorilla Journal, June
18, 1999. #
0. See the 1885 map before partition and after. #
0. Abu Iskandar as-Sudani, Darfur: The New American French Protectorate,
translated by Muhammad Abu Nasr from Al-Hadaf, Damascus, No.1365,
May 2005, pp. 22-25. #
0. Pratap Chatterjee, "Darfur Diplomacy: Enter the Contractors,"
CorpWatch, 21 October 2004. #
0. FIFTH COMMITTEE CONCLUDES CONSIDERATION OF FINANCING OF UN
MISSION IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO, Press Release GA/AB/3499,
United Nations, 12/3/2002. #
0. Daher International #
0. Statistics generated by United Nations bodies and reported
by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. #
0. See: National Oil Corporation of Kenya and Beicip-Franlab #
0. "Lundin Petroleum Signs Production-sharing Contract with
Kenya," Alexander's Gas & Oil Connections, June 10, 2007.
0. See: Livelihoods & Vulnerabilities Study Gambella Region
of Ethiopia, UNICEF, January 2006. #
0. See: Michael Maren, The Road To Hell: The Ravaging Affects
of Foreign Aid and International Charity, 1996. #
0. From the BSP web site: "As biometrics becomes an increasingly
important component of physical and logical security systems there
is a need for an authoritative and regularly updated reference
and data base on virtually all aspects of biometrics and identity
0. See e.g. "Uprooted and Forgotten: Impunity and Human Rights
Abuses in Northern Uganda," Human Rights Watch, Vol. 17,
No. 12a, September 2005. #
0. David M. Rosen, "Child Soldiers, International Humanitarian
Law, and the Globalization of Childhood," American Anthropologist,
Vol. 109, Issue 2, 2007, p: 299. #
0. See: Keith Harmon Snow, "A People's History of Congo's
Jean-Pierre Bemba," Toward Freedom, September 18, 2007; and
"Effacer le Tableau: Rapport de la mission internationale
de recherche surles crimes commis, en violation du droit international,
contre les Pygmées bambuti dans l'est de la République
démocratique du Congo," Minority Rights Group International,
ISBN 1904584217, July 2004. #
0. Private interviews, eyewitnesses, October 2007. # #
0. Karen Parker, "Forced Displacement in Northern Uganda,"
United Nations Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection
of Human Rights. #
0. Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999,
Mellen Press, 1999. #
0. See: Tullow, Hardman and Heritage Oil concessions maps #
0. keith harmon snow & Georgianne Nienaber, "Are USAID
Gorilla Conservation Funds Being Used for Covert Operations in
Central Africa?" Z Magazine Online (ZNET) September 19, 2007.
0. Angelo Izama, "How badly did Libya want the Kenya-Uganda
oil pipeline deal?" Alexander's Gas and Oil Connections,
Vol. 11, Issue 12, November 24, 2006. #
0. Ralph G. Kershaw, "Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: International
Justice According to Washington," Covert Action Quarterly,
No. 74, Fall 2002. #
0. Jeevan Vasagar, "Uganda hires PR agency to buff up its
image," The Guardian, May 21, 2005. #
0. Private interview, Eastern Congo, March 2007. #
0. See: Internal Displacement #
0. "Are the Internally Displaced Persons in Rwanda?"
ReliefWeb, July 2003. #
0. The Rwandan Patriotic Army was renamed the Rwanda Defense Forces
(circa 2000?). #
0. "Uganda: Kampala-Kigali Oil Pipeline Estimated at $ 193.6
Million," 16 October 2007, Rwanda News Agency. #
0. Laton McCartney, Friends in High Places: The Bechtel Story,
Simon & Schuster, 1988. #
0. SAIC information is taken from their Annual Reports, Proxy
Statements, and web site. #
0. Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999,
Mellen Press, 1999: 358. #
0. Keith Harmon Snow and Georgianne Nienaber: "Gorillas 'Executed'
Stories front for Privatization and Militarization of Congo Parks,
Truth of Depopulation Ignored," ZNET, August 3, 2007; and
"King Kong: The Map, The Mad Scientist, and the Mayor."
0. "Rwanda's Karisimbi Antenna to Cost USD 2.3 Million,"
New Times (Rwanda), 2007. #
0. David Barouski, "Laurent Nkundabatware, His Rwandan Allies
and the Ex-ANC Mutiny: Chronic Barriers to Lasting Peace in the
Democratic Republic of Congo," ZNET, February 2007. #
0. "Rwanda documentary to open US Black gala," Rwanda
Cinema Center, January 2007. # #
0. Mathew Russel Lee, "At UN, Darfur No-Bid Contract Spun
by UK, Chad and Somalia Preemptively Bid Out," Inner City
Press, October 24, 2007. # #
0. See, e.g., Wayne Madsen, "The CIA's Counter-Proliferation
Division (CPD) and British intelligence have evidence that then-Secretary
of Defense Dick Cheney lost three nuclear weapons in 1991,"
Madsen Report, May 2, 2007; Alexander Cockburn, "Broken Arrows
and Iran," Counterpunch, August 3, 2005. #
0. Pauline Jelenek, "U.S. special forces in Somalia,"
Associated Press, November 1, 2007. #
0. Stephanie McCrummen, "U.S. Warship Fires Missiles at Fighters
in Somalia," Washington Post, June 3, 2007. #
0. "HMS Bulwark welcomed home after Lebanon operations,"
defense news, 15 August 2006. #
0. "U.S. Gunships Battle Pirates Who Seized Ships Off Somalia,
Mogadishu," Fox News, October 30, 2007. #
0. keith harmon snow, "State Terror Against Indigenous People
in Ethiopia: Another Secret War for Oil," World War Four
Report, April 2004. #
0. See: keith harmon snow, "Today is the Day of Killing Anuaks,"
Genocide Watch and Survivor's Rights International Report, February
25, 2004. #
0. Mark Fineman, "The Oil Factor in Somalia," Los Angeles
Times, January 18, 1993. #
0. Xan Rice, "US military 'used Ethiopian base' to attack
Somali militants," Guardian Unlimited, February 23, 2007.
0. Livelihoods and Vulnerabilities Study, Gambella Region of Ethiopia,
UNICEF report, December 13, 2006. #
0. "Burundi: Troops Ready for Deployment in Somalia,"
www.allafrica.com, October 5, 2007. #
0. "Waiving Prohibition on United States Military Assistance
with Respect to Burundi, Guyana, and Liberia, Presidential Determination"
No. 2005-08 of November 29, 2004, The White House. #
0. "Uganda: American Advisors Being Deployed," Indian
Ocean Newsletter, No. 1209, March 3, 2007. #
0. Robert Kaplan, "America's African Rifles," Atlantic
Monthly, April 2005; Dulue Mbachu, "Africa's Unfolding Desert
War," ISN Security Watch, July 11, 2007. #
0. See e.g.: Mouvement des Nigeriens Pour la Justice; James Finch,
"Uranium Mining in Niger at Risk," The Conservative
Voice, July 20, 2007; Sven Ridley-Wordich, "Niger's Uranium
and Oil Sector Threatened by Rebels," Resource Investor,
July 9, 2007; "Uranium prices fall again, conflict in Niger,"
National Post, July 9, 2007; "Niger Rebels Pressure Uranium
Miners," The Conservative Voice, July 9, 2007; "Niger
rebels attack power plant in uranium area," Reuters, July
5, 2007. #
0. Bill Blankenship, "Ex-senator speaks out: Kassebaum Baker
touches on politics of Sudan, Iraq," The Capital-Journal,
October 16, 2006. #
0. See: "DARFUR ACTION NOW, Partnership for a Secure America."
0. Johann Hari, "Inside France's Secret War," The Independent,
October 5, 2007. #
0. AFRICOM #
0. Abu Iskandar as-Sudani, "Darfur: The New American French
Protectorate," translated by Muhammad Abu Nasr from Al-Hadaf,
Damascus, No.1365, May 2005, pp. 22-25 ; see also : keith harmon
snow, "Oil in Darfur? Covert Ops in Somalia? The New, Old
Humanitarian Warfare in Africa," Global Research, February
0. See: "Close intelligence relations between Israel and
Ethiopia, Eritrea_," June 26, 1998, Arabicnews.com; "Israel
to acquire two more German Submarines," IMRA Newsletter,
December 22, 2004.; Muhammed Salahuddin, "How Israel Casts
Its Dark Shadow Over Horn of Africa," Arab News, August 31,
0. Muhammed Salahuddin, "How Israel Casts Its Dark Shadow
Over Horn of Africa," Arab News, August 31, 2006. #
0. Africa Research Bulletin, Vol. 35, Issue 6, p. 13131-13166,
June 1-30, 1998. #
0. keith harmon snow and Rick Hines, "Blood Diamond: Doublethink
and Deception Over Those Worthless Little Rocks of Desire,"
Z Magazine, June & July 2007. #
0. Eric Reeves, "Darfur's Bitter Ironies," Guardian
Online, October 4, 2007. #
0. See: keith harmon snow, "Oil in Darfur? Covert Ops in
Somalia? The New, Old Humanitarian Warfare in Africa," Global
Research, February 2007 and revised for allthingspass, April 2007.
0. "Hezbollah is Using Christian Villages to Shield its Military
Operations in Violation of International Law," Christian
Solidarity International, 1 August 2006. #
0. See keith harmon snow, "Oil in Darfur? Covert Ops in Somalia?
The New Old Humanitarian Warfare in Africa" and, e.g. "SPLA
Offensive Overwhelms Muslim Forces," excerpted from Frontline
Fellowship News, 197, Edition 2. #
0. Private communication, October 2007. See also, e.g.: "Gaddafi,
the Peacemaker in Chad and Darfur." #
0. Stephanie Hancock, "Most Chad Case Children Not Orphans,"
Reuters, November 1, 2007. # #
0. "CHAD: French NGO Accused of Trafficking Children,"
IRIN News, October 26, 2007; "Chad: Government Accused of
Hypocrisy in Zoe's Ark Affair," IRIN News, November 8, 2007;
Guillemette Faure, "Trafic d'enfants ou pieds nickelés
de l'humanitaire?," October 26, 2007, Anne Else, "Untangling
the Zoe's Ark Affair," Anne Else's Letter from Elsewhere,
November 6, 2007. #
0. Charles Tilly, "War Making and State Making as Organized
Crime," In Bringing the State Back In, Peter Evans et al.
Keith Harmon Snow is an independent human rights investigator
and war correspondent who worked with Survivors Rights International
(2005-2006), Genocide Watch (2005-2006) and the United Nations
(2006) to document and expose genocide and crimes against humanity
in Sudan and Ethiopia. He has worked in 17 countries in Africa,
and he recently worked in Afghanistan. Read other articles by