Paul Kagame, the Mastermind of
the Genocide of Interior Tutsis in
Rwanda
by Guillaume Murere, Ph.D., Gatineau-Québec,
Canada
www.mail-archive.com/ugandanet@kym.net/,
November 23, 2007
'Shake Hands with the Devil', a film about
the Rwandan Genocide featuring Canadian Senator Romeo Dallaire,
has revived debate on the subject. This is perfectly normal
because, 13 years after the event, this gruesome crime is still
unresolved.
Initially, the media imposed the version
that the Rwandan Genocide was planned and carried out only by
Hutus (The ethnic group mentioned here is the one to which an
individual is reputed to belong. It may be different from the
actual ethnic group to which the individual himself identifies
and ethnic group in which the individual is classified by the
holder of power). But against all odds, after spending more
than a billion dollars (U.S.) and employing the intelligence
services of the United States, England, Canada, Belgium and Israel,
the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), has yet
to find any physical evidence for their thesis of a central planning
of the genocide. This result was quite predictable from the
outset. In fact, intelligence gathering was and still is Paul
Kagame's best strength. His agents had infiltrated all spheres
of Rwandan society even before October 1990. So, if evidence
of planning the Rwandan Genocide by Hutus ever existed, Kagame
would have made it available to the ICTR immediately and thus
would have definitively silenced skeptics.
Despite this void, all the experts remain
certain: the killings in 1994 were so systematic that they must
have been pre-planned. Then, one must ask, who was the planner?
Who was the mastermind? Since investigations on the Rwandan
Government's side have (so far) failed to find any evidence of
pre-planning by Hutus, would not be logical to investigate the
other warring side, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)?
Here are some observations: 1. Kagame
fanned hatred against those deemed Tutsi by committing systematic
massacres against the predominantly Hutu population. In 2001,
in an open letter to Kagame, Alphonse Furuma, a former RPF officer,
confirmed the deliberate nature of the massacres in these terms:
"From the time Arusha Peace Agreement
was being negotiated up to as late as 1996 you (Kagame) carried
out a deliberate policy of using all means possible to reduce
the Hutu Population in the Umutara, Kibungo, and Bugesera regions."
The crimes of Kagame's army are documented
in great detail by Lieutenant Abdul Ruzibiza, another former
member of the RPF (See his book "Rwanda: Histoire secrète,"
Panama. 2005). As it would happen in other countries in similar
circumstances, these systematic massacres by Kagame's men, reputed
Tutsi, against the population, mostly Hutu, stirred up hatred
against those deemed Tutsis and weakened the moderate political
forces which were dominant at the beginning of the war (October
1990-February 1993). The fact of people reputed Tutsis committing
systematic massacres against other population groups is, by any
standard, the worst form of hate propaganda against those deemed
Tutsi. Kagame used the worst possible means of terrorism to destroy
the social peace between Rwandan ethnic groups that existed under
Habyarimana's regime, a period of 17 years during which there
was no ethnic conflict. 2. Kagame destroyed the coalition
between the interior opposition parties and the RPF, which prevented
the war from escalating into an ethnic-based conflict. In 1992,
the major interior opposition parties, the MDR (predominantly
Hutu), the PL (predominantly Tutsi) and the PSD formed a political
coalition with the RPF (predominantly Tutsi). With that coalition,
the conflict was formally a political battle for power sharing
and political representation. The negotiations already underway
in Arusha, Tanzania, aroused great hopes for peace among Rwandans.
Unfortunately, political analysts failed to consider one very
important point: the success of the negotiations would have prevented
Kagame from obtaining absolute personal power. Kagame sought
any pretext to destroy the coalition and thus thwart the peace
negotiations.
On 08 February 1993, claiming Bagogwe
(a sub-group of Tutsi) had been massacred by Rwandan government
forces; Kagame ordered a massive attack in the Ruhengeri Prefect.
The death toll was very high: over 40,000 Hutu civilians were
massacred. Consequently, the pressure on interior opposition
parties at the Arusha negotiations became untenable. It was
not justifiable to be in a coalition with a party that massacred
innocent civilians en masse in broad daylight. The coalition
of interior opposition parties with the RPF shattered. In addition,
each political party split into two factions: one called "Hutu
Power," a pro-Hutu, and anti-RPF faction, while the other
was pro-RPF and anti-MRND. Confrontation on an ethnic basis
was now difficult to avoid and the slightest spark could now
start the dreaded ethnic-based war. 3. In his testimony (http://www.inshuti.org/ruzibiza.htm),
Ruzibiza tells that long before 1994 Kagame had instructed his
men who infiltrated within Rwanda, particularly within the Interahamwe
(a militia that participated in the genocide of interior Tutsis),
to massacre interior Tutsis in such a way that the crimes could
be attributed to the government forces and militias. Here are,
according to Ruzibiza, some on the list of those Kagame had instructed
his men to exterminate:
"Every interior Tutsi (sacrificing
interior Tutsis); intellectual Tutsis deemed to oppose RPF ideology,
for example 'Lando'; and regrouped Tutsis living in remote places."
In the same testimony, Ruzibiza reveals,
"It was a common strategy of Kagame to order the assassination
of opposition politicians or Tutsi personalities in order justify
the resumption of hostilities on the ground that that the government
was violating human rights." 'Lando' was the nickname of
Landoald Ndasingwa, an intellectual Tutsi, founder, and leader
of the PL political party. He was married to a Canadian lady
named Hélène Pinski. The couple and their two
children, Malaika and Patrick, were massacred very early on 07
April 1994. Contrary to popular belief, the testimony of Ruzibiza
and many other facts suggest that Ndasingwa and Pinski were massacred
by agents of Kagame who wanted to eliminate any legitimate political
opposition to the RPF after the war was over.
4. On April 06, 1994, the plane transporting
President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down by a missile. As
could be expected, this terrorist act sparked a human tragedy
of unthinkable proportion: the Rwandan Genocide. The investigation
of French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière concluded
that this terrorist crime was commissioned by Paul Kagame. This
terrorist assassination was carried out despite the fact that
in February 1994, following the assassination of Felicien Gatabazi
(leader of the PSD party) and Martin Bucyana (leader of the CDR
party), President Habyarimana had demonstrated that he still
held ultimate authority and was still capable of maintaining law
and order in his country by bringing a halt to the social unrest
caused by these murders. Andre Guichaoua, a professor at the
University of Paris, agrees that these assassinations were ordered
by Kagame. 5. In April 1994, while the interior Tutsis were
being massacred, Kagame and his men opposed the intervention
of international forces. Charles Muligande, the current Rwandan
Minister of Foreign Affairs, was part of the delegation that
was sent to the United States to seek support from Washington
for this opposition. Ruzibiza revealed in his testimony that
during the genocide, Kagame personally ordered his troops to
not rescue interior Tutsis from militias.
In 1999, in an open letter to Paul Kagame,
Jean-Pierre Mugabe, an ex-intelligence agent of the RPF, denounced
the assassination, by Kagame's troops, of young Tutsis who joined
the RPF from Rwanda and Burundi. Ironically, those young Tutsis
joined the RPF with the goal of coming back to Rwanda by force
to defend their parents. All these actions seem coherent: Kagame
could not instruct his infiltrators within the Interahamwe to
activate the massacre of interior Tutsis while allowing these
young Tutsis to take more responsibility in his army and, in
the end, permit his regular troops to come to the aid of the
same interior Tutsis his infiltrators, in alliance with the Interahamwe,
were killing.
6. Among the founders of the Interahamwe
are Anastase Gasana (now exiled in the United States), rewarded
with the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs in Kagame's regime
and Desiré Murenzi, who was placed at the head of a major
oil company. Also troubling is the fact that Robert Kajuga,
the Tutsi President of the Interahamwe, is the brother of a Rwandan
businessman named Husi (killed during the Rwandan Genocide),
who, according to several sources, has funded the scholarship
of Janet Nyiramongi, Paul Kagame's wife. These indications point
to the fact that the militia Interahamwe was, from beginning
to end, manipulated by Kagame's secret services. These previous
observations demonstrate beyond a reasonable doubt that Paul
Kagame has done everything possible to ensure that interior Tutsis
were exterminated. Therefore, it has to be concluded, in the
words of Kagame himself in his speech delivered on the 10th anniversary
of the Rwandan Genocide, that, 'Indeed the Rwandan Genocide was
premeditated, calculated and cold blooded.' However, in light
of these facts, we must now add that the mastermind of the genocide
of the Rwandan interior Tutsis is Kagame himself. That is the
sad and terrible reality the international community, who gave
a carte blanche to Kagame, has (so far) refused to confront.
Yet, if the above cited criminal acts
would had been committed by Rwandans deemed Hutu, they would
have been condemned by the whole world for committing the crime
of genocide against Tutsis. Instead, Kagame, because he is reputed
Tutsi, has a red carpet rolled out for him across Europe and
in America. This differential treatment of Rwandans, based on
ethnicity, is sheer racism in flagrant contradiction to the democratic
values of our time.
Guillaume Murere Ph. D. Gatineau, Québec,
Canada. November 2007
*********
Biography
Guillaume Murere
I am of Hutu background and was pursuing
a doctorate program in electrical engineering at École
Polytechnique de Montréal when the Rwandan war broke out
on October 1st, 1990. At the beginning of the war I made a statement
in favor of Tutsi refugees and for this reason was labeled by
fellow Rwandans as RPF sympathizer and was ostracized and persecuted.
In reaction to this persecution, but more in support of Arusha
peace negotiations, I openly joined the RPF, Montreal section,
in July 1993. I quitted the RPF in April 1995 after I had all
evidence that Kagame and the RPF, under Kagame's strict control,
use the genocide of interior Tutsis as a weapon of massive destruction
against innocent population, particularly those reputed Hutu.
In the unending Rwandan crisis, my worst day was on March 3rd,
1997 when Kagame's troops shoot down all young men who have passed
the night at my father's home for the mourning of my mother who
was put in grave on March 2nd, 1997. On March 3rd, 1997, Kagame's
men killed my two brothers and 8 of my cousins. On that single
day, Kagame's troops killed more than 1000 young Hutus in the
outskirts of the city of Ruhengeri.
Having been member of the RPF and close
to the Tutsi community and also being of Hutu background, I was
in position to see and analyze what was going on either side
without bias. Currently I work for peace and reconciliation among
Rwandans by uncovering and exposing the truth about the Rwandan
crisis
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