Prologue
excerpted from the book
American Holocaust
by David Stannard
Oxford University Press, 1992
In the darkness of an early July morning
in 1945, on a desolate spot in the New Mexico desert named after
a John Donne sonnet celebrating the Holy Trinity, the first atomic
bomb was exploded. J. Robert Oppenheimer later remembered that
the immense flash of light, followed by the thunderous roar, caused
a few observers to laugh and others to cry. But most, he said,
were silent. Oppenheimer himself recalled at that instant a line
from the Bhagavad-Gita:
"I am become death, the shatterer
of worlds."
There is no reason to think that anyone
on board the Nina, the Pinta, or the Santa Maria, on an equally
dark early morning four and a half centuries earlier, thought
of those ominous lines from the ancient Sanskrit poem when the
crews of the Spanish ships spied a flicker of light on the windward
side of the island they would name after the Holy Saviour. But
the intuition, had it occurred, would have been as appropriate
then as it was when that first nuclear blast rocked the New Mexico
desert sands.
In both instances-at the Trinity test
site in 1945 and at San Salvador in 1492-those moments of achievement
crowned years of intense personal struggle and adventure for their
protagonists and were culminating points of ingenious technological
achievement for their countries. But both instances also were
prelude to orgies of human destructiveness that, each in its own
way, attained a scale of devastation not previously witnessed
in the entire history of the world.
Just twenty-one days after the first atomic
test in the desert, the Japanese industrial city of Hiroshima
was leveled by nuclear blast; never before had so many people-at
least 130,000, probably many more-died from a single explosion.
Just twenty-one years after Columbus's first landing in the Caribbean,
the vastly populous island that the explorer had re-named Hispaniola
was effectively desolate; nearly 8,000,000 people-those Columbus
chose to call Indians-had been killed by violence, disease, and
despair. It took a little longer, about the span of a single human
generation, but what happened on Hispaniola was the equivalent
of more than fifty Hiroshimas. And Hispaniola was only the beginning.
Within no more than a handful of generations
following their first encounters with Europeans, the vast majority
of the Western Hemisphere's native peoples had been exterminated.
The pace and magnitude of their obliteration varied from place
to place and from time to time, but for years now historical demographers
have been uncovering, in region upon region, post-Columbian depopulation
rates of between 90 and 98 percent with such regularity that an
overall decline of 95 percent has become a working rule of thumb.
What this means is that, on average, for every twenty natives
alive at the moment of European contact-when the lands of the
Americas teemed with numerous tens of millions of people-only
one stood in their place when the bloodbath was over.
To put this in a contemporary context,
the ratio of native survivorship in the Americas following European
contact was less than half of what the human survivorship ratio
would be in the United States today if every single white person
and every single black person died. The destruction of the Indians
of the Americas was, far and away, the most massive act of genocide
in the history of the world. That is why, as one historian aptly
has said, far from the heroic and romantic heraldry that customarily
is used to symbolize the European settlement of the Americas,
the emblem most congruent with reality would be a pyramid of skulls.
Scholarly estimates of the size of the
post-Columbian holocaust have climbed sharply in recent decades.
Too often, however, academic discussions of this ghastly event
have reduced the devastated indigenous peoples and their cultures
to statistical calculations in recondite demographic analyses.
It is easy for this to happen. From the very beginning, merely
taking the account of so mammoth a cataclysm seemed an impossible
task. Wrote one Spanish adventurer-who arrived in the New World
only two decades after Columbus's first landing, and who himself
openly reveled in the torrent of native blood-there was neither
"paper nor time enough to tell all that the [conquistadors]
did to ruin the Indians and rob them and destroy the land."
As a result, the very effort to describe the disaster's overwhelming
magnitude has tended to obliterate both the writer's and the reader's
sense of its truly horrific human element.
In an apparent effort to counteract this
tendency, one writer, Tzvetan Todorov, begins his study of the
events of 1492 and immediately thereafter with an epigraph from
Diego de Landa's Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan:
The captain Alonso Lopez de Avila, brother-in-law
of the adelantado Montejo, captured, during the war in Bacalan,
a young Indian woman of lovely and gracious appearance. She had
promised her husband, fearful lest they should kill him in the
war, not to have relations with any other man but him, and so
no persuasion was sufficient to prevent her from taking her own
life to avoid being defiled by another man; and because of this
they had her thrown to the dogs.
Todorov then dedicates his book "to
the memory of a Mayan woman devoured by dogs."
It is important to try to hold in mind
an image of that woman, and her brothers and sisters and the innumerable
others who suffered similar fates, as one reads Todorov's book,
or this one, or any other work on this subject-just as it is essential,
as one reads about the Jewish Holocaust or the horrors of the
African slave trade, to keep in mind the treasure of a single
life in order to avoid becoming emotionally anesthetized by the
sheer force of such overwhelming human evil and destruction. There
is, for example, the case of a small Indian boy whose name no
one knows today, and whose unmarked skeletal remains are hopelessly
intermingled with those of hundreds of anonymous others in a mass
grave on the American plains, but a boy who once played on the
banks of a quiet creek in eastern Colorado-until the morning,
in 1864, when the American soldiers came. Then, as one of the
cavalrymen later told it, while his compatriots were slaughtering
and mutilating the bodies of all the women and all the children
they could catch, he spotted the boy trying to flee:
There was one little child, probably three
years old, just big enough to walk through the sand. The Indians
had gone ahead, and this little child was behind following after
them. The little fellow was perfectly naked, travelling on the
sand. I saw one man get off his horse, at a distance of about
seventy-five yards, and draw up his rifle and fire-he missed the
child. Another man came up and said, "Let me try the son
of a bitch; I can hit him." He got down off his horse, kneeled
down and fired at the little child, but he missed him. A third
man came up and made a similar remark, and fired, and the little
fellow dropped.
We must do what we can to recapture and
to try to understand, in human terms, what it was that was crushed,
what it was that was butchered It is not enough merely to acknowledge
that much was lost. So close to total was the human incineration
and carnage in the post-Columbian Americas, however, that of the
tens of millions who were killed, few individual lives left sufficient
traces for subsequent biographical representation...
***
Moreover, the important question for the
future in this case is not "can it happen again?" Rather,
it is "can it be stopped?" For the genocide in the Americas,
and in other places where the world's indigenous peoples survive,
has never really ceased. As recently as 1986, the Commission on
Human Rights of the Organization of American States observed that
40,000 people had simply "disappeared" in Guatemala
during the preceding fifteen years. Another 100,000 had been openly
murdered. That is the equivalent, in the United States, of more
than 4,000,000 people slaughtered or removed under official government
decree-a figure that is almost six times the number of American
battle deaths in the Civil War, World War One, World War Two,
the Korean War, and the Vietnam War combined.'
Almost all those dead and disappeared
were Indians, direct descendants-as was that woman who was devoured
by dogs-of the Mayas, creators of one of the most splendid civilizations
that this earth has ever seen. Today, as five centuries ago, these
people are being tortured and slaughtered, their homes and villages
bombed and razed-while more than two-thirds of their rain forest
homelands have now been intentionally burned and scraped into
ruin.' The murder and destruction continue, with the aid and assistance
of the United States, even as these words are being written and
read. And many of the detailed accounts from contemporary observers
read much like those recorded by the conquistadors' chroniclers
nearly 500 years earlier.
"Children, two years, four years
old, they just grabbed them and tore them in two," reports
one witness to a military massacre of Indians in Guatemala in
1982. Recalls another victim of an even more recent assault on
an Indian encampment:
With tourniquets they killed the children,
of two years, of nine months, of six months. They killed and burned
them all.... What they did [to my
father] was put a machete in here (pointing
to his chest) and they cut open his heart, and they left him all
burned up. This is the pain we shall never forget ... Better to
die here with a bullet and not die in that way, like my father
did."
Adds still another report, from a list
of examples seemingly without end:
At about 1:00 p.m., the soldiers began
to fire at the women inside the small church. The majority did
not die there, but were separated from their children, taken to
their homes in groups, and killed, the majority apparently with
machetes.... Then they returned to kill the children, whom they
had left crying and screaming by themselves, without their mothers.
Our informants, who were locked up in the courthouse, could see
this through a hole in the window and through the doors carelessly
left open by a guard. The soldiers cut open the children's stomachs
with knives or they grabbed the children's little legs and smashed
their heads with heavy sticks.... Then they continued with the
men. They took them out, tied their hands, threw them on the ground,
and shot them. The authorities of the area were killed inside
the courthouse.... It was then that the survivors were able to
escape, protected by the smoke of the fire which had been set
to the building. Seven men, three of whom survived, managed to
escape. It was 5:30 p.m..
In all, 352 Indians were killed in this
massacre, at a time when 440 towns were being entirely destroyed
by government troops, when almost 10,000 unarmed people were being
killed or made to "disappear" annually, and when more
than 1,000,000 of Guatemala's approximately 4,000,000 natives
were being displaced by the deliberate burning and wasting of
their ancestral lands. During such episodes of mass butchery,
some children escape; only their parents and grandparents are
killed. That is why it was reported in Guatemala in 1985 that
"116,000 orphans had been tabulated by the judicial branch
census throughout the country, the vast majority of them in the
Indian townships of the western and central highlands."
Reminders are all around us, if we care
to look, that the fifteenth- and sixteenth-century extermination
of the indigenous people of Hispaniola, brought on by European
military assault and the importation of exotic diseases, was in
part only an enormous prelude to human catastrophes that followed
on other killing grounds, and continue to occur today-from the
forests of Brazil and Paraguay and elsewhere in South and Central
America, where direct government violence still slaughters thousands
of Indian people year in and year out, to the reservations and
urban slums of North America, where more sophisticated indirect
government violence has precisely the same effect-all the while
that Westerners engage in exultation over the 500th anniversary
of the European discovery of America, the time and the place where
all the killing began.
Other reminders surround us, as well,
however, that there continues among indigenous peoples today the
echo of their fifteenth and sixteenth century opposition to annihilation,
when, despite the wanton killing by the European invaders and
the carnage that followed the introduction of explosive disease
epidemics, the natives resisted with an intensity the conquistadors
found difficult to believe. "I do not know how to describe
it," wrote Bernal Diaz del Castillo of the defiance the Spanish
encountered in Mexico, despite the wasting of the native population
by bloodbath and torture and disease, "for neither cannon
nor muskets nor crossbows availed, nor hand-to-hand fighting,
nor killing thirty or forty of them every time we charged, for
they still fought on in as close ranks and with more energy than
in the beginning."
Five centuries later that resistance remains,
in various forms, throughout North and South and Central America,
as it does among indigenous peoples in other lands that have suffered
from the Westerners' furious wrath. Compared with what they once
were, the native peoples in most of these places are only remnants
now. But also in each of those places, and in many more, the struggle
for physical and cultural survival, and for recovery of a deserved
pride and autonomy, continues unabated.
All the ongoing violence against the world's
indigenous peoples, in whatever form-as well as the native peoples'
various forms of resistance to that violence-will persist beyond
our full understanding, however, and beyond our ability to engage
and humanely come to grips with it, until we are able to comprehend
the magnitude and the causes of the human destruction that virtually
consumed the people of the Americas and other people in other
subsequently colonized parts of the globe, beginning with Columbus's
early morning sighting of landfall on October 12, 1492. That was
the start of it all. This book is offered as one contribution
to our necessary comprehension.
He'eia, O'ahu January 1992 D.E.S.
American
Holocaust