Nelson R. Mandela
Statement During the Rivonia Trial (1964)
Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships, or
to use the language of the State Prosecutor, "so-called hardships."
Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks
of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation
which we seek to have repealed. These features are poverty and
lack of human dignity, and we do not need Communists or so-called
"agitators" to teach us about these things.
South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be
one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of
extremes and remarkable contrasts. The Whites enjoy what may well
be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans
live in poverty and misery. Forty percent of the Africans live
in hopelessly overcrowded and, in some cases, drought-stricken
reserves, where soil erosion and the overworking of the soil,
make it impossible for them to live properly off the land. Thirty
percent are laborers, labor tenants and squatters on White farms
and work and live under conditions similar to those of the serfs
of the Middle Ages. The other thirty percent live in towns where
they have developed economic and social habits which bring them
closer in many respects to White standards. Yet most Africans,
even in this group, are impoverished by low incomes and high cost
of living.
The highest paid and the most prosperous section of urban
African life is in Johannesburg. Yet their actual position is
desperate. The latest figures were given on the 25th March, 1964,
by Mr. Carr, Manager of the Johannesburg Non-European Affairs
Department. The poverty datum line for the average African family
in Johannesburg (according to Mr. Carr's department) is R42.84
per month. He showed that the average monthly wage if R33.24 and
that 46% of all African families in Johannesburg do not earn enough
to keep them going.
Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. The
incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high
amongst Africans. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastroenteritis
and scurvy bring death and destruction of health. The incidence
of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world. According
to the Medical Officer of Health for Pretoria, tuberculosis kills
forty people a day (almost all Africans), and in 1961 there were
58,491 new cases reported. These diseases not only destroy the
vital organs of the body, but they result in retarded mental conditions
and lack of initiative, and reduce powers of concentration. The
secondary results of such conditions affect the whole community
and the standard of work performed by African laborers.
The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they
are poor and the Whites are rich, but that the laws which are
made by the Whites are designed to preserve this situation. There
are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education,
and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his
work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned,
both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by
legislation.
The present Government has always sought to hamper Africans
in their search for education. One of their early acts, after
coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding.
Many African children, who attended schools, depended on this
supplement to their diet. This was a cruel act.
There is compulsory education for all White children at virtually
no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. Similar facilities
are not provided for the African children, though there are some
who receive such assistance. African children, however, generally
have to pay more for their schooling than Whites. According to
figures quoted by the South African Institute of Race Relations
in its 1963 journal, approximately 40% of African children in
the age group between 7 to 14 do not attend school. For those
who do attend school, the standards are vastly different from
those afforded to White children. In 1960/61 the per capita Government
spending on African students at State-aided schools was estimated
at RI2.46. In the same years, the per capita spending on White
children in the Cape Province (which are the only figures available
to me) was R144.57. Although there are no figures available to
me, it can be stated, without doubt, that the White children on
whom R144.57 per head was being spent all came from wealthier
homes than African children on whom R12.46 per head was being
spent.
The quality of education is also different. According to the
Bantu Education Journal, only 5,660 African children in the whole
of South Africa passed their J.C. in 1962, and in that year only
362 passed metric. This is presumably consistent with the policy
of Bantu education about which the present Prime Minister said,
during the debate on the Bantu Education Bill in 1953: -
"When I have control of Native education, I will reform
it so that Natives will be taught from childhood to realize that
equality with Europeans is not for them ... People who believe
in equality are not desirable teachers for Natives. When my Department
controls Native education it will know for what class of higher
education a Native is fitted, and whether he will have a chance
in life to use his knowledge."
The other main obstacle to the economic advancement of the
African is the industrial color bar under which all the better
jobs of industry are reserved for Whites only. Moreover, Africans
who do obtain employment in the unskilled and semi-skilled occupations
which are open to them, are not allowed to form Trade Unions which
have recognition under the Industrial Conciliation Act. This means
that strikes of African workers are illegal, and that they are
denied the right of collective bargaining which is permitted to
the better-paid White workers. The discrimination in the policy
of successive South African Governments towards African workers
is demonstrated by the so-called "civilized labor policy"
under which sheltered unskilled Government jobs are found for
those White workers who cannot make the grade in industry, at
wages which far exceeded the earnings of the average African employee
m industry.
The Government often answers its critics by saying that Africans
in South Africa are economically better off than the inhabitants
of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement
is true and doubt whether any comparison can be made without having
regard to the cost of living index in such countries. But even
if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is
irrelevant. Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison
with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison
with the White people in our own country, and that we are prevented
by legislation from altering this imbalance.
The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct
result of the policy of White supremacy. White supremacy implies
Black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve White supremacy
entrenches this notion. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably
performed by Africans. When anything has to be carried or cleaned,
the White man will look around for an African to do it for him,
whether the African is employed by him or not. Because of this
sort of attitude, Whites tend to regard Africans as a separate
breed. They do not look upon them as people with families of their
own; they do not realize that they have emotions-that they fall
in love like White people do; that they want to be with their
wives and children like White people want to be with theirs; that
they want to earn enough money to support their families properly,
to feed and clothe them and send them to school. And what "house-boy"
or "garden-boy" or laborer can ever hope to do this?
Pass Laws, which to the Africans are among the most hated
bits of legislation in South Africa, render any African liable
to police surveillance at any time. I doubt whether there is a
single African male in South Africa who has not at some stage
had a brush with the police over his pass. Hundreds and thousands
of Africans are thrown into gaol each year under pass laws. Even
worse than this is the fact that pass laws keep husband and wife
apart and lead to the breakdown family life.
Poverty and the breakdown of family life have secondary effects.
Children wander about the streets of the Townships because they
have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go to
school, or no parents at home to see that they go to school, because
both parents (if there be two) have to work to keep the family
alive. This leads to a breakdown in moral standards, to an alarming
rise in illegitimacy and to growing violence which erupts, not
only politically, but everywhere. Life in the townships is dangerous.
There is not a day that goes by without somebody being stabbed
or assaulted. And violence is carried out of the townships in
the White living areas. People are afraid to walk alone in the
streets after dark. Housebreakings and robberies are increasing,
despite the fact that the death sentence can now be imposed for
such offenses. Death sentences cannot cure the festering sore.
Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform
work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government
declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to
live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area
because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed
to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to
live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans
want to be part of the general population, and not confined to
living in their own ghettos. African men want to have their wives
and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced
into an unnatural existence in men's hostels. African women want
to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in
the reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after 11 o'clock
at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children.
Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and
to seek work where they want to and not where the Labor Bureau
tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South
Africa; they want security and a stake in society.
Above all, we want equal political rights, because without
them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary
to the Whites in this country, because the majority of voters
will be Africans. This makes the White man fear democracy.
But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the
only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom
for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result
in racial domination. Political division, based on color, is entirely
artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of
one color group by another. The A.N.C. has spent half a century
fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change
that policy. . .
Source: Nelson R. Mandela, "Statement during the Rivonia
Trial" (April 20, 1964).
Human
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