Escalation
Resolution
excerpted from the book
The Other Israel
Voices of Refusal and Dissent
edited by Roane Cary and Jonathan
Shainin
The New Press, 2002, paper
p165
A QUEUE OF BOMBERS
by Uri Avnery
March 23, 2002
When a whole people is seething with rage,
it becomes a dangerous enemy, because the rage does not obey orders.
When it exists in the hearts of millions
of people, it cannot be cut off by pushing a button.
When this rage overflows, it creates suicide
bombers-human bombs fueled by the power of anger, against whom
there is no defense. A person who has given up on life, who does
not look for escape routes, is free to do whatever his disturbed
mind dictates. Some of the suicide bombers are killed before they
reach their goal, but when there are hundreds of them, thousands
of them, no military means will restore security.
The actions of Chief of Staff Mofaz during
the last month have brought this rage to an unprecedented pitch
and instilled it into the hearts of every Palestinian, be he a
university professor or a street boy, a housewife or a high-school
girl, a leftist or a fundamentalist.
When tanks run amok in the center of a
town, crushing cars and destroying walls, tearing up roads, shooting
indiscriminately in all directions, causing panic to a whole population-it
induces helpless rage.
When soldiers crash through a wall into
the living room of a family, inducing shock among children and
adults, ransacking their belongings, destroying the fruits of
a life of hard work, and then break the wall to the next apartment
to wreak havoc there-it induces helpless rage.
When soldiers shoot at everything that
moves-out of panic, out of lawlessness, or because Sharon told
them "to cause losses"-it induces helpless rage.
When officers order troops to shoot at
ambulances, killing doctors and paramedics engaged in saving the
lives of the wounded, bleeding to death-it induces helpless rage.
When these and thousands of other acts
like them humiliate a whole people, searing their souls-it induces
helpless rage. And then it appears that the rage is not helpless
after all. The suicide bombers go forward to avenge, with a whole
people blessing them and rejoicing at every Israeli killed, soldier
or settler, a girl in a bus or a youngster in a discotheque.
The Israeli public is dumbfounded by this
terrible phenomenon. It cannot understand it, because it does
not know (and perhaps does not want to know) what has happened
in the Palestinian towns and villages. Only feeble echoes of what
is really happening have reached it. The obedient media suppress
the information, or water it down so that the monster looks like
a harmless pet. Television, which is now subject to Soviet-style
censorship, does not tell viewers what is going on. If somebody
is allowed to say a few words about it, for the sake of "balance'
the words are drowned in a sea of chatter by politicians, commentators
acting as unofficial spokespersons, and the generals who caused
the havoc.
These generals look helplessly at a struggle
they do not understand and make arrogant statements divorced from
reality. Pronouncements like "We have intercepted attacks'
"We have taught them a lesson' and "We have destroyed
the infrastructure of terrorism" show an infantile lack of
understanding of what they are doing. Far from "destroying
the infrastructure of terrorism' they have built a hothouse for
rearing suicide bombers.
A person whose beloved brother has been
killed, whose house has been destroyed in an orgy of vandalism,
who has been mortally humiliated before the eyes of his children,
goes to the market, buys a rifle for 40,000 shekels (some sell
their cars for this) and sets out to seek revenge. "Give
me a hatred gray like a sack' wrote our poet Nathan Aherman, seething
with rage against the Germans.* Hatred gray like a sack is now
everywhere.
Bands of armed men now roam all the towns
and villages of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, with or without
black masks (available for ten shekels in the markets). These
bands do not belong to any organization. Members of Fatah, Hamas
and the Jihad team up to plan attacks, not giving a damn about
the established institutions.
Anyone who believes that Arafat can push
a button and stop this is living in a dream world. Arafat is the
adored leader, now more than ever, but when a people is seething
with anger he cannot stop it either. At best, the pressure cooker
can cool off slowly, if the majority of the people are persuaded
that their honor has been restored and their liberation guaranteed.
Then public support for the "terrorists" will diminish;
they will be isolated and wither away.
That was what happened in the past. During
the Oslo period there were attacks too, but they were conducted
by dissidents, fanatics, and the public aversion to them limited
the damage they caused.
American politicians, like Israeli officers,
do not understand what they are doing. When an overbearing Vice
President Cheney dictates humiliating terms for a meeting with
Arafat, he pours oil on the flames. A person who lacks empathy
for the suffering of the occupied people, who does not understand
its condition, would be well advised to shut up. Because every
such humiliation kills dozens of Israelis.
After all, the suicide bombers are standing
in line.
p205
THE TURNING POINT
by Meron Benvenisti
No one has ever been able to predict exactly
when the opposition to war and bloodshed turns from treachery
into a legitimate, indeed proper approach; when moral condemnation
of acts of war becomes politically correct-and when a phrase like
"a war for our homes" changes from being a battle cry
into blathering nonsense. Nobody has predicted it in advance,
but experience shows that the moment when the patriotism of the
herd turns into critical skepticism does inevitably arrive, sooner
or later-sometimes in weeks or months, or sometimes a generation
or two later.
Past experience proves that international
condemnations, exposure to the horror, demonstrations and political
protests have a cumulative influence, but those are countered
by feelings of tribal unity, moral superiority and self-righteousness.
One would expect that the price of the bloodshed from the continuing
violence would lead to a rational calculation of the value of
human lives versus the goals for which they are killed. But communities
that grow used to calculating their steps according to absolute
values do not do so according to pragmatic assessments of cost
and benefit. Even making the comparison between the cost in human
lives and its purpose is problematic: The most costly price has
already been paid in human lives, and the need to justify it requires
inflating the value of what they were paid for.
Leaders who inflict great sacrifices upon
their people cannot let it be known to all and sundry that they
were wrong, so they make the goals absolute: "A war for our
homes" or "a war for our existence"-goals with
infinite price tags. The issue of the relationship between the
goal to its price is decried as irrelevant, and raising rational
arguments is considered blasphemy, an attempt to quantify something
that has no price.
Nonetheless, experience shows that manipulating
values to justify the sacrifice of human lives can never succeed
because the survival instinct is stronger than the manipulation.
Eventually, the cynicism of inflated, counterfeit patriotism is
revealed(as happened in the Lebanon war.)
Nobody can predict when the moment will
come and all the experts and commentators will start competing
over who was the first to expose the failure, the misguided strategy,
the uselessness, the illusions, the political stupidity, the surrender
to vengeance and the ruthlessness-the real price of the current
operation. But the manipulators should not delude themselves:
That moment will come...
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