Rumsfeld's Handshake Deal With
Saddam: History Out of Media Bounds
by Norman Solomon
www.huffingtonpost.com, 12/8/05
Christmas came 11 days early for Donald
Rumsfeld two years ago when the news broke that American forces
had pulled Saddam Hussein from a spidery hole. During interviews
about the capture, on CBS and ABC, the Pentagon's top man was
upbeat. And he didn't have to deal with a question that Lesley
Stahl or Peter Jennings could have logically chosen to ask: "Secretary
Rumsfeld, you met with Saddam almost exactly 20 years ago and
shook his hand.
What kind of guy was he?"
Now, Saddam Hussein has gone on trial,
but such questions remain unasked by mainstream U.S. journalists.
Rumsfeld met with Hussein in Baghdad on behalf of the Reagan administration,
opening up strong diplomatic and military ties that lasted through
six more years of Saddam's murderous brutality.
As it happens, the initial trial of Saddam
and co-defendants is focusing on grisly crimes that occurred the
year before Rumsfeld gripped his hand. "The first witness,
Ahmad Hassan Muhammad, 38, riveted the courtroom with the scenes
of torture he witnessed after his arrest in 1982, including a
meat grinder with human hair and blood under it," the New
York Times reported Tuesday. And: "At one point, Mr. Muhammad
briefly broke down in tears as he recalled how his brother was
tortured with electrical shocks in front of their 77-year-old
father."
The victims were Shiites -- 143 men and
adolescent boys, according to the charges -- tortured and killed
in the Iraqi town of Dujail after an assassination attempt against
Saddam in early July of 1982. Donald Rumsfeld became the Reagan
administration's Middle East special envoy 15 months later.
On Dec. 20, 1983, the Washington Post
reported that Rumsfeld "visited Iraq in what U.S. officials
said was an attempt to bolster the already improving U.S. relations
with that country." A couple of days later, the New York
Times cited a "senior American official" who "said
that the United States remained ready to establish full diplomatic
relations with Iraq and that it was up to the Iraqis."
On March 29, 1984, the Times reported:
"American diplomats pronounce themselves satisfied with relations
between Iraq and the United States and suggest that normal diplomatic
ties have been restored in all but name." Washington had
some goodies for Saddam's regime, the Times account noted, including
"agricultural-commodity credits totaling $840 million."
And while "no results of the talks have been announced"
after the Rumsfeld visit to Baghdad three months earlier, "Western
European diplomats assume that the United States now exchanges
some intelligence on Iran with Iraq."
A few months later, on July 17, 1984,
a Times article with a Baghdad dateline sketchily filled in a
bit more information, saying that the U.S. government "granted
Iraq about $2 billion in commodity credits to buy food over the
last two years." The story recalled that "Donald Rumsfeld,
the former Middle East special envoy, held two private meetings
with the Iraqi president here," and the dispatch mentioned
in passing that "State Department human rights reports have
been uniformly critical of the Iraqi President, contending that
he ran a police state."
Full diplomatic relations between Washington
and Baghdad were restored 11 months after Rumsfeld's December
1983 visit with Saddam. He went on to use poison gas later in
the decade, actions which scarcely harmed relations with the Reagan
administration.
As the most senior U.S. official to visit
Iraq in six years, Rumsfeld had served as Reagan's point man for
warming relations with Saddam. In 1984, the administration engineered
the sale to Baghdad of 45 ostensibly civilian-use Bell 214ST helicopters.
Saddam's military found them quite useful for attacking Kurdish
civilians with poison gas in 1988, according to U.S. intelligence
sources. "In response to the gassing," journalist Jeremy
Scahill has pointed out, "sweeping sanctions were unanimously
passed by the U.S. Senate that would have denied Iraq access to
most U.S. technology. The measure was killed by the White House."
The USA's big media institutions did little
to illuminate how Washington and business interests combined to
strengthen and arm Saddam Hussein during many of his worst crimes.
"In the 1980s and afterward, the United States underwrote
24 American corporations so they could sell to Saddam Hussein
weapons of mass destruction, which he used against Iran, at that
time the prime Middle Eastern enemy of the United States,"
writes Ben Bagdikian, a former assistant managing editor of the
Washington Post, in his book The New Media Monopoly. "Hussein
used U.S.-supplied poison gas" against Iranians and Kurds
"while the United States looked the other way."
Of course the crimes of the Saddam Hussein
regime were not just in the future when Rumsfeld came bearing
gifts in 1983. Saddam's large-scale atrocities had been going
on for a long time. Among them were the methodical torture and
murders in Dujail that have been front-paged this week in coverage
of the former dictator's trial; they occurred 17 months before
Rumsfeld arrived in Baghdad.
Today, inside the corporate media frame,
history can be supremely relevant when it focuses on Hussein's
torture and genocide. But the historic assistance of the U.S.
government and American firms is largely off the subject and beside
the point.
A photo of Donald Rumsfeld shaking Saddam's
hand on Dec. 20, 1983, is easily available. (It takes a few seconds
to find via Google.) But the picture has been notably absent from
the array of historic images that U.S. media outlets are providing
to viewers and readers in coverage of the Saddam Hussein trial.
And journalistic mention of Rumsfeld's key role in aiding the
Iraqi tyrant has been similarly absent. Apparently, in the world
according to U.S. mass media, some history matters profoundly
and some doesn't matter at all.
Norman
Solomon page
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