CIA outrages in Chile
by Peter Kornbluh
The Nation magazine, October 16, 2000
"Covert action," the late Senator Frank Church concluded
in 1976 after his long inquiry into CIA operations in Chile and
elsewhere, is a "semantic disguise for murder, coercion,
blackmail, bribery, the spreading of lies...." Had the CIA
been fully forthcoming with Church's committee about its tie to
Augusto Pinochet's regime, he would have included "and consorting
with known torturers and international terrorists."
To the rogues' gallery of world-class criminals the CIA has
directly supported-among them Panama's Manuel Noriega, Emmanuel
Constant of the FRAPH in Haiti, Nicolas Carranza, former head
of the treasury police in El Salvador, Guatemala's Col. Julio
Alpirez and, many believe, ousted intelligence chieftain Vladimiro
Montesinos, who recently fled Peru-can now be added Gen. Manuel
Contreras of Chile. In a declassified report provided to Congress
on September 18, titled "CIA Activities in Chile," the
agency confirms what so many have long suspected: At the height
of the Pinochet regime's repression, the head of Chile's infamous
secret police, the DINA, was put on the CIA payroll.
Contreras ran the torture centers in Chile; he ordered the
murder and disappearances of hundreds of Chileans. But unlike
so many other infamous CIA assets who viciously violated the human
rights of their countrymen while their covert handlers looked
the other way, Contreras took his dirty war beyond Chilean borders,
dispatching his agents throughout the world to commit acts of
international terrorism. He is currently in prison outside Santiago
for the most brazen terrorist attack ever to take place in the
capital of the United States-the September 21, 1976, car bombing
that killed former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and a 25-year-old
American associate, Ronni Karpen Moffitt.
Having covered up its relationship to Contreras and the DINA
for all these years, including initially keeping it secret from
the federal prosecutors investigating the Letelier-Moffitt murders,
the CIA now admits that it knew in 1974 that the DINA was involved
in "bilateral cooperation. . .to track the activities of
... and kill political opponents" abroad. Yet in 1975, shortly
after the CIA's own intelligence reporting documented that Contraras
was "the principal obstacle" to improving human rights
in Chile, CIA officials "recommended establishing a paid
relationship with Contreras," and a "one-time payment
was given". Cozying up to the DINA, the report makes clear,
was done "in the interest of maintaining good relations with
Pinochet", and to "accomplish the CIA's mission,"
presumably to gather intelligence to safeguard US security.
The report, however, does not address how the CIA failed to
avert a planned terrorist attack in Washington directed by its
own asset. Only after the Letelier-Moffitt assassination, the
report concedes, did the CIA approach Contreras to discuss Operation
Condor-the network of Southern Cone intelligence services he led,
which, the CIA already knew, was engaged in acts of murder abroad.
"Contreras confirmed Condor's existence as an intelligence-sharing
network but denied that it had a role in extrajudicial killings
' states the report. Could his gullible handlers have believed
this lie? On October 11, 1976, based on a leak, Newsweek reported
that "the CIA has concluded that the Chilean secret police
were not involved in the death of Orlando Letelier." Either
the CIA was criminally negligent in failing to detect and deter
the Letelier-Moffitt assassination, or it was complicitous. Even
if the covert operatives running Contreras were not aware of his
plans to send a hit team to Washington, their close relations
with him, despite his atrocities inside and outside Chile, may
well have emboldened him to believe he could get away with this
act of terrorism within a few blocks of the White House.
Advancing the US ability to protect itself from international
terrorism is reason enough for Congress to hold hearings on how
the CIA's covert associations in Chile compromised US security
and cost the lives of two human beings. But the larger issue of
the US role in Pinochet's horrors must also be addressed. Even
the most cynical political observers cannot help but be profoundly
disgusted by the CIA's callous debasement of US principles in
Chile.
A full accounting will require release of the documents from
which "CIA Activities in Chile" was written, as well
as the hundreds of other records covering the history of US covert
operations there. Despite a presidential directive to declassify
the record of its contribution to political violence, terrorism
and human rights abuses in Chile, to date the CIA has refused
to release a single document on its clandestine actions that helped
the Pinochet regime seize and consolidate power. The White House
has delayed a final declassification of US records in order to
press the CIA to be more forthcoming.
The Chileans have shown great courage by moving to hold Pinochet
accountable for his crimes against humanity. But what Chile's
human rights investigators have called "the cleansing power
of the truth" in confronting their past applies equally to
the United States. The CIA can no longer be allowed to hold this
history hostage. A full accounting is required for Washington
to begin to wash the blood from its hands.
Peter Kornbluh directs the Chile Documentation Project at
the National Security Archive, a public interest research center
located at George Washington University.
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