The Wealthy (Conservative) Think Tanks
Covert Action Quarterly, Winter 1998
No set of institutions has done more to set the national policy
agenda than the heavily-funded conservative think tanks and advocacy
groups. Over the 1992-1994 period, the 12 key foundations poured
almost $80 million into these organizations: $64 million was invested
in multi-issue policy institutions trying to shape national domestic
policy; $15.2 million went to policy research and advocacy organizations
emphasizing national security and foreign policy issues.
The top recipients follow in order of grant size over the
1992-1994 period:
* The Heritage Foundation -- garnered close to $9 million
in 42 separate grants. Founded in 1973, its revenues more than
doubled from $14 million in 1936 to $29.7 million in 1995. "The
unique thing we have done," says Heritage's Stuart Butler,
"is combine the serious, high-quality research of a 'traditional
think sank' like the Hoover Institution or Brookings Institution
with the intense marketing and 'issue management' capabilities
of an activist organization."
Heritage stresses a production model to deliver a stream of
policy products to key audiences on a timely and efficient basis.
`'We come up with the ideas," said official David Mason,
and then Heritage hires dozens of relatively inexperienced policy
analysts who are largely told what to write and how to write it.
The product is then marketed, "to people who will champion
those ideas in the political arena."
In 1995, its 100-plus management and professional staff, communications
specialists, policy analysts, and senior fellows-including former
high-ranking government officials such as William Bennett, Jack
Kemp, and Edwin Meese- produced more than 200 policy products,
distributing them widely to Congressional aides, lawmakers, journalists,
and activist constituencies. The "delivery system consists
of separate marketing divisions: Public Relations markets ideas
to the media and the public; Government Relations to Congress,
the Executive branch, and government agencies; Academic Relations
to the university community; Resource Bank to institutions (including
state think tanks), and the international conservative immigrant
and health services, like this one in Washington, DC, are a particular
right wing target network; and Corporate Relations to business
and trades."
In its equally important activist role, Heritage links policy
analysts, Republican Party officials, conservative scholars, and
grassroots constituencies. It maintains a data bank and disseminates
a Resource Guide to Public Policy Experts that lists more than
2,000 individuals and 400 organizations working from the right
on a range of issues. Its analysts appeared more than 500 times
on radio talk shows. Heritage also runs a bi-monthly working group
of conservative organizations, maintains a speakers bureau to
bring its messages to college campuses, holds policy briefings
in House and Senate offices (200 in 1995), and publishes on the
Internet.
* The American Enterprise Institute -- formed in 1943 as a
traditional think tank, was granted almost $7 million. Senior
AEI staff include Robert Bork, Lynne Cheney, Jeane Kirkpatrick,
Irving Kristol, Charles Murray, Michael Novak, Richard Perle,
Ben Wattenberg, and 30 other conservative public intellectuals
and activists, many of whom are closely intertwined with the institutional
apparatus of the New Right. After being labeled too centrist in
the mid-1930s and losing funding, AEI moved right and took a more
aggressive public-policy role in domestic and foreign policy affairs,
producing material of "immediate, practical utility"
aimed at developing solutions to "real world" policy
problems. Based snugly within the Beltway, AEI scholars seek to
translate the "broad, variegated animus against government
into specific policies", including economic, regulatory,
welfare, health, and other social policies.
AEI staff appeared on national media several times a day during
1995-96 and organized policy conferences and seminars, including
five on Medicare reform, two on welfare policy, and others on
tax reform, telecommunications deregulation, 2 and tort reform.
Among its more than 600 articles, monographs, and books were Fairness
and Efficiency in the Flat Tax, The Frayed Social Contract. Why
Social Security Is in Trouble and How It Can Be Fixed, and Slouching
toward Gomorrah: Liberalism and American Decline. In 1995, it
also published Dinesh D'Souza's racist tract, The End of Racism.
* The Free Congress Research and Education Foundation -- is
led by Paul Weynch, who also co-founded the Heritage Foundation.
Free Congress' $5 million in grants funded efforts "to return
to our nation's origins in limited government and personal liberty,
despite the overweening power of the leviathan state." One
of its major (and now for-profit, independent) programs is National
Empowerment Television (NET), a nationwide, interactive, 24 hour
network which carnes "its message of cultural conservatism
and anti-Establishment politics into more than 11 million homes."
Weekly offerings include Borderline, a panel show on immigration
policy; the Cato Forum on the illegitimacy of taxes and government
regulation; Legal Notebook on crime; Straight Talk, produced in
conjunction with the right-wing Family Research Council; and On
Target: with the National Rife Association.
Another major Free Congress program, the Krieble Institute,
took advantage of the conservative revolution" at home by
switching its focus from communist bloc countries to a US grassroots
political training program. The Congress' Center for Conservative
Governance launched satellite conferences to develop grassroots
conservative leadership, training 1,066 individuals in its first
round The curriculum included how to manage the media, frame issues,
raise funds, and use technology in the campaign process.
* The Cato institute -- founded in 1977 by libertarian activists,
is a multi-million dollar, multi-issue research and advocacy organization
dedicated to "increasing the understanding of public policies
based on the principles of limited government, free markets, individual
liberty, and peace." Its staff of 40-plus senior managers,
policy analysts, and communications specialists is supplemented
by more than 75 adjunct Cato scholars, including ultra-conservative
law professors Richard Epstein (University of Chicago) and Henry
G. Manne. Cato publishes books and policy analyses, works extensively
through the media, organizes conferences and policy briefings,
and testifies regularly before Congress and other policymaking
bodies. In 1994, it gave every Congressmember The Cato Handbook,
a 358-page, 39-chapter volume of policy reforms and proposals
in every vital public policy area, including budget and tax reduction,
Social Security, Medicare, education, environmental reform, and
foreign and defense policy A year later, its Project on Social
Security Privatization, co-chaired by lose Pinera, Chile's former
minister of labor and welfare under Pinochet, and William Shipman,
of State Street Global Advisors, began pushing private alternatives
to Social Security Assisted by a powerful advisory board of business
leaders, conservative economists and political leaders, the project
plans to spend $2 million in a public relations campaign to depict
Social Security as crisis-ridden and in need of significant reform.
Cato also promotes medical savings accounts and backs property
rights and tort reform.
* Citizens for a Sound Economy -- was granted $3.8 million.
Founded in 1984, it openly and aggressively advocates market based
solutions to the nation's economic and social problems. Chaired
by C. Boyden Gray, former general counsel to President Bush, CSE's
self-described mission is `'to fight for less government, lower
taxes, and less regulation." In 1995, it spent $17 million
to advance its policy objectives and produced more than 130 policy
papers, each distributed to every office on Capitol Hill. It also
conducted 50 different advertising campaigns, distributed 8,000
pieces of mail, appeared on more than 175 radio and television
news shows, placed 235 op-eds, received coverage of CSE positions
and activities in more than 4,000 news articles around the nation,
released periodic "scorecards" grading the fiscal restraint
of key congressional committees and subcommittees, generated more
than 42,000 telephone calls from CSE members to elected officials,
distributed dozens of faxes summarizing research on the budget,
and co-chaired two grassroots coalitions supporting tax relief
and a balanced budget. In addition, focus group research has helped
CSE "create effective advertising products," propaganda
used to develop grassroots and communications tools to promote
flat tax proposals. CSE also maintains a sophisticated database
of 37,000 "super activists" to whom it can appeal in
the larger fight for free enterprise, and has hired 19 field directors
to build "strategic alliances" in 17 states.
In 1996, CSE announced plans to spend $2 million "to
make the political climate more friendly" to Social Security
privatization, paying particular attention to shaping the views
of older people, women, and the 20-something generation. CSE plans
to maximize impact by focusing "on states represented in
Congress by members who sit on the Senate Finance Committee and
the House Ways & Means Committee, both of which have jurisdiction
over Social Security The campaign [which is now in full swing],
intended to include newspaper, radio, and TV ads, and the distribution
of anti-Social Security tracts.
* The Hoover Institution -- with more than $3.2 million in
grants and an operating budget of almost $19 million in 1995,
has focused particular attention on tax policy, promoting the
flat tax, and opposing federal social welfare policies
* The Ethics and Public Policy Center -- which features convicted
Iran-Contra felon Elliott Abrams as its head, is devoted to improving
public appreciation of the role of business in a "moral society"
Its founder, Ernest Lefever, worried that "US domestic and
multinational firms find themselves increasingly under siege at
home and abroad. They are accused of producing shoddy and unsafe
products, fouling the environment, robbing future generations,
wielding enormous power, repressing peoples in the Third World,
and generally of being insensitive to human needs. We as a small
and ethically oriented center are in a position to respond more
directly to ideological critics who insist the corporation is
fundamentally unjust.
* The National Center for Policy Analysis -- prides itself
on aggressively marketing its products for maximum impact by "targeting
key political leaders and special interest groups, establishing
ongoing ties with members of the electronic media, and testifying
before Congress, federal agencies, state lawmakers, and national
associations."
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