Long Live the Estate Tax!
by Bill Gates. Sr. and Chuck
Collins
The Nation magazine, January
27, 2003
There is a stunning disconnect between
the terrible budget shortfalls facing states and localities and
the priorities of federal taxcutters. States face budget deficits
of more than $60 billion for the coming year-and the ax is falling
on mental health, education and children's healthcare. Libraries
are being shuttered, tuitions increased and parks closed. Governors
of all political persuasions talk about the need for massive federal
relief to the states in the form of block grants and Medicaid
subsidies.
Yet the President and Congressional tax-cutters
are marching ahead with a $670 billion tax cut that could include
elimination of dividend taxes and an acceleration of 2001 tax
rate cuts. According to the Urban Institute-Brookings Institution
Tax Policy Center, 42 percent of the benefits of the dividend
tax cut will go to the the richest 1 percent of taxpayers, whose
incomes are above $330,000. These proposals have more to do with
rewarding campaign contributors and lobbying patrons than with
economic stimulus.
Also at the top of the domestic agenda
is the push to make repeal of the federal estate tax permanent.
Such a step will not have any short-term or long-term economic
stimulus effect. But cutting $850 billion in revenue in the decade
after the tax is phased out-money that would have been collected
from the heirs of multimillionaires-will prolong the current fiscal
crisis. Many states will feel the pain of revenue loss first because
their inheritance and estate taxes are linked to the federal levy.
Today, the estate tax affects less than
2 percent of the richest households, those with wealth exceeding
$1 million. A reformed estate tax, with wealth exemptions boosted
to $3.5 million, would still generate tens of billions of dollars
of revenue a year. Under such a reform, an estimated 6,000 estates
a year, averaging $17 million each, would pay the tax. In Maine,
Montana, Alaska and Mississippi-states where both senators have
voted to completely eliminate the tax-the estimated number of
estates paying the tax every year would be fewer than twenty-five.
Proposals to reform the tax have been
blocked since 2000 by the "all or nothing" repeal lobby,
which understands the peril of not having smaller estates as camouflage.
Once exemptions rise above $3 million, it becomes impossible to
find a credible and photogenic farmer or restaurant owner who
will complain about what opponents call the "death tax."
It's hard enough to find them now. The pro-repeal American Farm
Bureau was asked to produce an example of a farmer who had lost
a farm because of the estate tax. It could not identify a single
one.
Lost in this debate are the benefits to
our country of maintaining an estate tax. Originally passed in
1916, the estate tax was a fundamentally American response to
the excesses of the Gilded Age. Populist reformers labored for
the three decades before 1916 to pass federal income and estate
taxes in order to shift the tax burden, mostly in the form of
nineteenth-century tariff duties and excise taxes, off of Midwestern
and Southern farm states and onto the wealthy Northeastern states.
But underlying the movement for an estate tax was a recognition
that too much concentrated wealth and power was putting our democracy
at risk. We had fought a revolution to reject hereditary political
and economic power- and the dizzying inequalities of the Gilded
Age violated a fundamental American ideal of equality of opportunity.
We are now in a second Gilded Age. Instead
of taking steps that would strengthen our democracy, we're heading
backward to the wealth inequalities of a century ago. We need
to preserve the estate tax in states and at the federal level
for exactly the reason it is under assault. In a democracy, we
should be offended when the power of concentrated wealth brazenly
attempts to shape the terms of policy debate and dictate the rules
of our society.
Bill Gates Sr, co-chair of the Bill and
Melinda Gates Foundation, and Chuck Collins, co-founder of United
for a Fair Economy and Responsible Wealth, are the authors of
Wealth and Our Commonwealth: Why America Should Tax Accumulated
Fortunes (Beacon).
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