Ignore AIPAC at America's Peril
[American Israel Public Affairs
Committee]
by Philip Giraldi
http://original.antiwar.com/,
May 05, 2009
What do Charles Freeman and Jane Harman
have in common? Nothing, apart from the fact that they are both
involved in the truly ugly side of the Israel lobby's activity
in the United States and, for that reason, had their stories dropped
by the mainstream media in record time. Harman's story broke on
April 19 and was on life support by the 24th. Freeman's story
had slightly more legs to it only because his withdrawal from
his nomination to head the National Intelligence Council on March
10 was preceded by a three-week barrage of vicious ad hominem
attacks from the media and the usual suspects in Congress. After
he resigned, his story was allowed to die, ending as far as the
mainstream media was concerned on March 14 with a coup de grace
from Republican Congressman Frank Wolf of Virginia, who claimed
in a Washington Post op-ed that the Israel lobby had nothing to
do with his opposition to Freeman's appointment. Wolf has reportedly
received $72,000 from pro-Israel PACs, more than any other Virginia
congressman except Eric Cantor, something that he chose not to
mention.
If one were to ask a reasonably well-informed
American citizen about either Harman or Freeman, one would most
likely draw a blank. This is because they have been airbrushed
out of the collective political consciousness almost as effectively
as the pictures of Stalin's rivals were removed from group photos
in Red Square. The mainstream media, which is where most Americans
still get their news, has trivialized their stories and has no
desire to grapple with issues like Israeli espionage and the establishment
of a de facto Israeli loyalty test for the holders of high office.
Corruption of the U.S. political system by a small country 5,000
miles away is of no interest to Fox, NBC, CBS, and ABC, not to
mention their newsprint counterparts.
It did not have to be so, and if there
had been any spine or even a shred of conscience in the media,
then all of this might have gone in another direction, leading
to a serious inquiry into how a tiny foreign power has managed
to create the most powerful lobby in Washington. When Freeman
went down and dared to complain about his treatment, there was
considerable noise in the blogosphere suggesting that the Israel
lobby had finally overreached itself and would pay the price because
everyone would now know just how much it interferes in American
politics. That judgment proved premature, as did the suggestion
by some that the victory over Freeman might prove Pyrrhic in nature,
leading to future defeats. Others, including Stephen Walt, were
not so sure, noting that the basis for AIPAC's power in the media
and within the government had not in any way been diminished.
That has proven to be the case. A complaisant establishment media
rolled over on the Harman story only weeks after Freeman.
So much for the Fourth Estate, where the
only freedom of the press in evidence is the freedom to run as
fast as possible from any story that is critical of Israel and
its friends. The American public should wake up to the fact that
the Freeman and Harman stories are serious in their implications,
whether or not the media is interested. Freeman was appointed
to head the National Intelligence Council, an essentially non-political
position that is responsible for shaping the vitally important
National Intelligence Estimates. He was supremely well qualified
for the position and was esteemed for his maverick qualities,
which led to the expectation that he would head a team that would
challenge assumptions on existing policies in such a way as to
make a repeat of the bad intelligence on Iraq unlikely. But when
it was learned that Freeman had been particularly critical of
Israeli settlement policies and had observed that the tie to Israel
did not exactly serve the U.S.' national interests, his appointment
was heavily criticized. To be sure, the critics most often attacked
Freeman by misrepresenting his views on China and links to Saudi
Arabia, where he had served as ambassador, but everyone in Washington
and the media knew that it was really all about Israel.
Bereft of any support from the White House,
Freeman was doomed. Also doomed was any expectation that Washington
might benefit from sound intelligence providing a realistic assessment
of the threats facing the U.S., unadorned by the fake analysis
dished out by interest groups like AIPAC. Leaders in the media
could have actually enabled a debate about a sound foreign policy
that actually works in our national interests, but they chose
to walk away instead. If, as is likely, President Obama has learned
his lesson from the Freeman affair and decides that it is better
to go along with AIPAC than to resist it, business as usual will
continue in Washington, with Israel's current crop of right-wing
fanatics, headed by Bibi Netanyahu, protected to the last drop
of American blood and treasure.
Harman's tale is somewhat different, but
it also involves the Israel lobby as well as the considerable
Israeli espionage effort directed against the United States. If
the leaked accounts of Harman's phone conversation with someone
acting on behalf of Israeli intelligence are accurate, the congresswoman
clearly knew her Israeli intelligence contact well and might have
had similar conversations with him or her previously. She agreed
to attempt to influence a reduction in the charges in the trial
of accused AIPAC spies Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman. In return,
Harman's contact promised to support her bid to become chairman
of the House Permanent Committee on Intelligence by pressuring
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi through threats to withhold political
contributions from Israeli billionaire Haim Saban if Harman was
not given the position. Harman was later spoken of as a possible
candidate to become director of central intelligence and, without
the FBI wiretap, which became known to Pelosi, she might have
obtained either position, or possibly both in succession.
Harman has denied that she did anything
wrong, and she has tried to turn the tables by accusing the government
of illegally recording her conversation, a red herring introduced
by those trying to minimize the significance of the affair. Make
no mistake, Harman was on the receiving end of an intelligence
operation. Her phone conversation was recorded because she was
talking to someone who was working with Israeli intelligence,
which was the target of the investigation. Intelligence officers
highly prize an agent of influence, which is a well-placed politician
or media figure who will do one's bidding, and they seek to obtain
that cooperation by trading favors that both they and the target
know are illegal. It was illegal for Harman to promise to interfere
in a court case, something that her contact clearly was aware
of. It was illegal for the agent of a foreign government to pressure
the speaker of the House to promote Harman. Once such favors are
exchanged, the intelligence officer has leverage to demand more
because his new agent will cooperate rather than have the illegal
details of the relationship revealed. That is how covert operations
are taught at the CIA training center and every other intelligence
school in the world. There should be no uncertainty about what
was taking place, even if the mainstream media and Harman's colleagues
in government don't get it. At last report, Harman is not being
investigated, she has not been criticized by anyone in the government
or in either party, and she just spoke at the AIPAC convention
in Washington. So much for equal justice under law.
If the Freeman and Harman affairs taken
together do not provide convincing proof that Israel and its advocates
are no true friends to the United States, then it is difficult
to imagine what else can be used to make the case. It is time
to end the special relationship and treat Israel like every other
country. If Israel sends its intelligence officers to America
to break the law, they must be caught, exposed, and punished,
just as if they were Chinese or Russian. If they spy on the U.S.
and corrupt its politicians, they must pay a price. It is almost
certainly too late to give justice to Chas Freeman or to give
Jane Harman the punishment she so richly deserves, but it is time
for the United States to send a clear signal that while it is
prepared to be a good friend to Israel, it will not stand for
any more interference with our politicians and government officials.
Israel watch
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