Defusing the Demon
How landmines became such a hit in wars
around the world
New Internationalist magazine, September, 1997
Birth of a Killer
The first landmines were designed to stop the battle tank,
that scourge of trench warfare, during World War One -- they were
effectively just buried artillery shells with exposed fuses. The
development of the lightweight explosive TNT in the 1920s made
the first reliable antitank mines possible. During World War II
300 million of these were used, more than two-thirds of them by
the Soviet Union. Designed to explode under the weight of a vehicle,
these mines were often removed by enemy troops on foot. As a result
armies began protecting their antitank minefields by using small
metallic or glass containers with about half a kilo of explosive
which could be activated by the pressure of a footstep. From improvised
hand grenades to the German 'Bouncing Betty', a mine that sprang
to the height of two meters before spraying its victims with hundreds
of steel balls, the antipersonnel mine had come into its own.
Garbage and Butterflies
After the World War II mine technology advanced rapidly and
in the early 1960s the US unleashed its sophisticated 'remotely
delivered' mines or 'scatterables' on Laos and then Cambodia,
in a vain attempt to stop the movement of soldiers and provisions
from North to South Vietnam. Scattered from the air, these mines
(nicknamed 'garbage' by the crews carrying them) landed on the
ground without detonating. Weighing a puny 20 grams, they were
capable of taking off the foot that stepped on them. The randomly
scattered mines could not be mapped and US Forces often suffered
heavy casualties when retreating through areas previously mined
by their own pilots. A decade later the Soviet Union also used
random targeting during its invasion of Afghanistan and millions
of PFM-1 'butterfly' mines settled gracefully to the ground awaiting
victims.
Eternal Sentinels
Today a plague of landmines has enveloped the world's conflict
zones, with an estimated 110 million antipersonnel mines in the
ground and an equal number in military stockpiles. Most have been
supplied by Northern producers to countries thousands of miles
away, where political and economic instability are common. Cheap
and easy to use, they are the favorite weapons in civil wars and
wars of insurgency, used by governments and guerrillas alike.
These 'eternal sentinels' stand guard long after the conflicts
have ended and kill and maim without mercy or discrimination.
Coward's War
After the Vietnam War, senior US military officials attested
to the inability of landmines to stave off an attack, while stressing
the horrific injuries they had caused their own troops. In fact
between a fifth and a third of all US deaths during the War were
caused by these weapons. The earliest calls for a ban, however,
grew out of the experience of non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
in Afghanistan and Cambodia, where the high rates of injury and
death among returning refugees presented a crisis of unprecedented
proportions. In 1991, Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human
Rights published the first detailed study of how landmines were
actually being used in "The Coward's War: Landmines in Cambodia".
The book made a strong case for humanitarian demining, which aims
to make the land completely safe for human use - a far cry from
stock military mine-clearing techniques.
The Ball Starts To Roll
October 1992 marked the real beginning of the International
Campaign to Ban Landmines when six NGOs combined their separate
initiatives: Handicap International, Human Rights Watch, Medico
International, Mines Advisory Group, Physicians for Human Rights,
and Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation. None of the six groups
on the steering committee of the International Campaign came from
the disarmament community. There was also at first a notable lack
of indigenous organizations from mine-affected countries who were
hard-pressed enough to deal with the everyday realities confronting
them. But by 1995 the Campaign had embraced a multitude of groups
from all corners of the world -- and been given a huge boost when
the International Committee of the Red Cross overcame its usual
reluctance to deal with 'political' issues and launched its parallel,
well-documented campaign. Attention focuses on the political initiatives
and conferences but it is the tireless efforts of people on the
ground -- starting humanitarian mine-clearance, organizing support
for those injured by mines, exposing the horrors of mine warfare
-- which have brought a ban closer.
Laws and Intentions
In March 1995, Belgium became the first country to legislate
a domestic ban on the production, procurement, sale and transfer
of landmines and their components and technology, despite opposition
from its armed forces. Previously it had been a leading mine exporter,
and while a declining market and the receding threat from the
Eastern Bloc were probably factors in the decision, there is no
denying the value of Belgium's example. Austria and Ireland have
followed suit. At the regional level, governments from Central
America and the Caribbean have announced their intention to create
mine free zones. Southern Africa is starting to talk along the
same lines.
Treaties and Turnarounds
If warfare were conducted according to agreed principles,
then landmines would be illegal. The Geneva Convention and its
two Protocols outlaw the use of weapons that do not distinguish
between combatants and civilians and which cause needless injury.
However, armies around the world haven't lost sleep over such
proscriptions. In 1995-96 the review conference of the 1980 Convention
on Certain Conventional Weapons Protocol ll brought together the
world's biggest landmine producers and users as well as supporters
of a comprehensive ban. The review worked (and got stalled) by
consensus and thus achieved very little that would limit the use
of landmines. It did, however, get foreign and defense ministries
talking about mines and forced top soldiers, who had viewed them
as conventional components of their arsenals, to reassess their
utility against the wider humanitarian costs (not to mention the
political heat).
The Ottawa Process
Bypassing the failure of consensus politics, a Canadian initiative
in October 1996 convened an historic conference in Ottawa. The
50 governments who fully participated signed a declaration recognizing
the urgent need to ban antipersonnel landmines. At the end Canadian
Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy boldly announced his country's
willingness to hold a treaty-signing conference in December 1997,
thus imposing a definite time-scale. The Ottawa Process, which
has included NGO input, has brought real hope of a widespread
ban regardless of whether or not countries opposed to it, such
as China, Russia, and the US, follow suit. Currently 97 countries
support the Ottawa Process. If a substantial ban materializes
in December, then attention will need to focus on the gargantuan
task of demining the world and destroying the existing stockpiles
- to say nothing of support for the people whose lives have been
devastated. Mine clearance is expensive and former producers may
not exactly be eager to pay for it. A worldwide ban is still some
years away.
Landmine
watch