Maoist Insurgency in Nepal
August 2002
The optimism that greeted the restoration
of democracy in Nepal in 1990, after 30 years of absolute monarchy,
is steadily waning. A bloody Maoist insurgency beginning in 1996,
the massacre of the royal family in June 2001, and the gradual
collapse of the economy due to a slowdown in the tourist industry
and widespread corruption are but three of the major setbacks
Nepal has faced in the last decade.
The Maoists were once part of a mainstream communist political
alliance before intra-party disputes and parliamentary squabbling
caused them to splinter off and renounce politics in 1995, a move
that was followed by a repressive government response. Led by
Pushpa Kamal Dahal (known as Prachanda), the Maoists demand an
end to feudalism, a rewriting of Nepal's constitution, and the
establishment of a Nepali republic. To this end, they have waged
an insurgency that has claimed an estimated 4,000 lives in over
six years, with over half of those lost in the last six months.
Nepal's continuing socio-economic problems,
namely poverty, rampant unemployment, feudalism, low levels of
education, caste discrimination, and a poorly maintained infrastructure,
account for much of the attraction the Maoist rebellion holds
for thousands of Nepalis who have joined it. Support for the Maoists
is found mainly in rural villages and more poverty-stricken areas,
especially mid-western Nepal and the Terai region near the border
with India. Since the start of the uprising in 1996, Maoist activity
has been centered in 35 of Nepal's 75 districts, although 68 districts
in total have been affected by the insurgency. The Maoist force
is estimated to consist of 2,000 guerilla fighters and 10,000
reservists.
To broaden their support base, the Maoists attempted to use the
mysterious circumstances surrounding the royal massacre in June
2001 to further alienate the people from the new king, Gyanendra.
However, the new prime minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, immediately
called a ceasefire and began negotiations in July. But no immediate
results came of the talks, and the Maoists felt the government
was not in earnest. It is suspected, however, that the Maoists
agreed to enter negotiations only to buy time to regroup, rearm,
and plan a surprise attack on an army barracks in the Dang district
of western Nepal in November 2001. In response, the government
refused any further negotiations, declared a state of emergency,
suspending all constitutional rights, and labeled the Maoists
as terrorists.
The late King Birendra was reluctant to use the Royal Nepal Army
against the rebels, preferring instead to rely on the Nepali police
force, but King Gyanendra does not have any such reservations.
In addition, the United States has offered military aid to Nepal
in its fight against the Maoist "terrorists," further
emboldening the government to avoid negotiation or reform to end
the bloodshed.
In the escalating violence, Nepali villagers are often caught
in the middle: the Maoists have killed many innocent civilians
and teachers who they suspect are government informants, while
army forces also harass innocent villagers in the hunt for Maoist
sympathizers. Through the intimidation and arrest of journalists,
the government has brought the press under its control, effectively
removing any objective source of information for Nepalis.
Although the cry for political reform and an end to corruption
is as strong as the call for an end to the violence, the current
hardline stance of both the Maoists and the government seems to
suggest that Nepal's immediate future will remain bleak.
Access commentary, news stories, online reports, papers, resources,
and news sources about the Maoist insurgency in Nepal in this
special report.
Commentary
Nepal Needs Reform, Not More Guns (May
10, 2002)
The Guardian's Isabel Hilton comments on the political situation
in Nepal since the establishment of democracy in 1990. She notes
that the new King Gyanendra, unlike his predecessor and brother
King Birendra, has no qualms about pitting the Nepali army against
the Maoists, resulting in a severe escalation in violence. In
addition, the US has branded the Maoists terrorists, which has
led the Nepali prime minister to reverse his earlier decision
to negotiate; he can now rely instead on military aid from the
US. Ms. Hilton argues that the US should be helping Nepal work
towards political reform rather than simply sending in more weapons.
All Sections Conference to Reach National
Consensus (May 9, 2002)
Kuber Sharma, Chairman of the Green Nepal party, writes on NepalNews.com,
"To come to terms with the Maoists we accept them as a plausible
political force." He believes that the political parties
in Nepal's parliament negotiate with the Maoists only because
they want to form an alliance with them and gain even more power
for themselves. He argues that it is necessary to bring the Maoists
into the political mainstream under the current constitution as
part of the multiparty democracy of Nepal. To this end, he suggests
that a conference of all sides be held.
Erosion of the Nepali World (April 2002)
This extensive essay by Deepak Thapa in Himal Magazine addresses
the catastrophic events of 2001 in Nepal. He analyzes the conflict
from each side, considering the motivations of both Prime Minister
Deuba and the Maoist leadership in the failed negotiation talks,
and assessing the military tactics of each. Ultimately, Thapa
concludes that action is necessary from India to force the Maoist
leadership to return to Nepal and settle the conflict within the
Nepali political system.
Nepal PM's Visit Strengthens Ties (March
26, 2002)
In this opinion piece for The Statesman, Salman Haidar, former
Indian Foreign Secretary, analyzes the Indo-Nepal relationship
in the context of the Maoist rebellion. Haidar compares the lackluster
Nepali military response to the insurgency with India's treatment
of its rebels in the northeast. He also discusses the Nepali Maoists'
relationship with Indian Maoist groups and the ISI (Inter-Services
Intelligence, Pakistan's secret service), and stresses that because
the Maoists may be receiving aid and support from outside the
country, the strongest possible collaboration between India and
Nepal is needed, especially along their open border.
Worth Noting (March 15, 2002)
This editorial from the The Kathmandu Post urges the government
to consider the effect of the insurgency on the educational system
of Nepal. It points to several Maoist attacks on school buses,
teachers, and school buildings, which, along with the sharp downturn
of the economy, have created an abysmal situation for the country's
students.
Unrest in the Himalayan Kingdom (February
13, 2002)
In this opinion piece from the The Pioneer, Ashok Mehta writes
that widespread corruption, frequent changes of power, and governmental
inefficiency have caused the current disillusionment with democracy
in Nepal. Mehta believes the delay in deploying the Royal Nepal
Army (RNA), combined with their lack of funding and intelligence
resources, has rendered them, much like the Nepali police before,
unable to adequately fight the insurgency. Mehta suggests that
the way to stop the violence is for King Gyanendra to address
the issues that have caused it: "unemployment, underdevelopment,
and corruption."
Nepal's 'Homeland Security' Sacrifices
Human Rights (February 7, 2002)
Li Onesto, a contributor to the Pacific News Service, argues that
labeling the Maoists as terrorists has given the government sanction
to repress constitutional rights in Nepal, especially freedom
of the press. He writes, "Washington's 'global war on terrorism'
is giving Nepal's government license to institute a draconian
'homeland security' as part of its efforts to defeat an insurgency
with widespread grassroots support."
Nepal's Maobaadi (November 2001)
In Himal Magazine, C.K. Lai outlines the history and causes of
the Maoist uprising, discussing the social, political, and economic
factors that contributed to its development and the current situation.
Mr. Lai discounts the theory that poverty in and of itself is
the root cause, but rather a complete lack of opportunity for
the poor to better their prospects in the face of political elitism
and cronyism.
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