Throwing Out a President
(Bolivia)
by Tom Lewis
International Socialist Review,
November/December 2003
Bolivian President Gonzalo Sanchez de
Losada fled La Paz in a helicopter October 17 as hundreds of thousands
of Bolivians overran the streets of the capital city demanding
his resignation and prosecution. Like so many others of Washington's
fallen henchmen, Sanchez de Losada scrambled aboard an airplane
and scurried to a safe haven in the U.S.
The ex-president left behind a country
in turmoil where the stakes remain high, not only for Bolivia's
neoliberal rulers, but also for U.S. imperialism and its effort
to impose the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The struggle
will continue, as opposition forces wait to see if Bolivia's new
president, former Vice President Carlos Mesa, will put into practice
the reforms Sanchez de Losada offered at the last minute in a
futile bid to stem the tide of revolt.
In the three weeks of mass protests leading
up to the president's ouster, Bolivian troops killed more than
80 protesters and injured hundreds more. At the heart of the struggle
lay the popular rejection of the government's contract with a
transnational consortium to export natural gas to the U.S by way
of Chile and Mexico. The consortium, Pacific LNG, is comprised
of British, Spanish and Argentine corporations. A U.S. company
has been awarded the contract to transport Bolivian gas from Chile
to Mexico.
The Pacific LNG contract legalizes foreign
piracy and pillage of Bolivia's most important natural resource.
Under its provisions, Bolivia would keep only 18 percent of the
$1.5 billion in annual income expected to be generated by gas
exports to the United States. Many Bolivian economists believe
the percentage should be a standard 50 percent. The gas sold to
Pacific LNG, moreover, has been fixed at a price well below current
market value. The difference means a loss of additional billions
of dollars to Bolivia over the life of the Pacific LNG contract.
It was Sanchez de Losada who, two days before his first presidential
term expired on August 6, 1997, signed over ownership of Bolivia's
hydrocarbons to the transnationals. Ironically, this October's
explosive protest against gas privatization brought about his
political demise less than one year into his second term.
But though gas was the trigger, the revolt
has deep roots in the mass poverty faced by the Bolivian workers
and peasants, the majority of whom are indigenous Indians. Nearly
eight in 10 live in poverty, with many living on only $2 per day,
or less. Two decades of neoliberal "shock therapy" has
created a massive polarization between the poor, indigenous majority
and the small, Spanish-descended elite who were the period's sole
beneficiaries. Bolivian peasant coca-growers, whose livelihood
depends on the crop, are also angry at U.S.-sponsored efforts
to use military force and toxic chemicals to eradicate coca growing.
A tumultuous victory
Demonstrators wrested significant concessions
from the besieged president before his ouster. Sanchez de Losada
agreed to hold a national referendum by the end of 2003 in which
Bolivians could decide whether to re-nationalize the country's
natural gas. He also agreed to modify existing legislation on
hydrocarbons and privatization that would make re-nationalization
possible. Finally, Sanchez de Losada said yes to establishing
a constituent assembly as a regular component of the Bolivian
political system.
These gains had been won by October 15.
But the protests did not stop. Indignant over the brutal slayings
perpetrated by Sanchez de Losada's troops, protesters demanded
he step down. As Felipe "El Mallku" Quispe remarked,
"Spilt blood is sacred. We will not negotiate with a murderer."
Quispe is the leader of the Confederation of Bolivian Peasant
Workers (CSUTCB) and has his home base in the akiplano.
On October 16 and 17, wave after wave
of indigenous protesters cascaded down into La Paz from El Alto,
the poverty-stricken satellite city of La Paz situated higher
up in the Andes. Miners from the same region, marching under the
banner of the Bolivian Labor Confederation (COB), also advanced
on the city. From the south and east came workers, peasants and
coca growers, all focused on the same goal: "Goni must go!''
("Goni" is the nickname Sanchez de Losada, a millionaire
and former mining magnate, uses for himself; many opponents call
him the "Gringo," however, since his long U.S. residence
and his U.S. higher education cause him to speak Spanish with
an English accent.) By the afternoon of October 17, downtown La
Paz was overflowing. The workers' neighborhoods of La Paz had
emptied onto the streets as well, and all the demonstrators congregated
close to the presidential mansion.
As Goni crept away into the night, the
COB called a large meeting at which it proposed five demands to
be addressed by the new government: abrogation of the law privatizing
hydrocarbons; abrogation of the agricultural privatization law;
abrogation of Article 55 of Law 21060, which introduced flexible
labor into Bolivia; the rebuilding of Bolivian industry and the
repudiation of the FTAA; and the prosecution of those responsible
for the deaths among the protesters, with the simultaneous cancellation
of the state's law that criminalizes social protest.
Dynamics of the rebellion
The overthrow of Sanchez de Losada resulted
from several ongoing struggles that rapidly coalesced into a mass
movement united around a common goal: recovering Bolivian gas.
On September 19, the Coalition for the
Defense and Recuperation of Gas- the successor to the Coalition
in Defense of Water and Life that successfully turned back water
privatization in Cochabamba in April 2000-called a nationwide
protest. More than 150,000 turned out in Bolivia's major cities
demanding that Sanchez de Losada break the contract with Pacific
LNG.
The next day, military police attacked
road blockades that had been set up as part of an Aymara indigenous
uprising designed to extend a region of de facto autonomy that
has existed in the altiplano since the April 2000 "water
war." The soldiers claimed to be "rescuing" a group
of tourists who could not return to La Paz because of the blockades.
But the military's action resulted in seven deaths and included
the killing of an eight-year-old girl. This atrocity led the coalition
in Defense of Gas to announce that it would join forces with the
indigenous rebellion. It also prompted the COB to call for a general
strike beginning September 29.
The COB's general strike achieved spotty
success at first. Evo Morales, leader of both the Movement Toward
Socialism Party (MAS) and the coca growers movement, initially
held back the bulk of his forces until the second week in order
to see how much support the strike would receive. Morales came
in second in the last presidential race, only one percentage point
behind Sanchez de Lozado. As the strike became increasingly identified
with the fight to reclaim natural gas from the transnationals,
and as anger grew at the mounting numbers of indigenous protesters
gunned down by the military in the altiplano, the cocaleros (coca
farmers) joined in. The struggle then quickly generalized throughout
Bolivia's working class. By October 13, much of the middle class,
too, came on board. Not only did the Catholic Church open its
doors to middle-class hunger strikers; it also called for Sanchez
de Losada to resign.
In the altiplano the main protagonists
were the indigenous workers of Quispe's CSUTCB and the miners
of the COB's regional organization, the Regional Labor Confederation
(COR) led by Jaime Solares. In La Paz, the main organizations
were the COB, its statewide affiliate (COD-La Paz), the indigenous
marchers from El Alto, and a myriad of neighborhood associations.
In Cochabamba and the other major cities, the Coalition in Defense
of Gas, along with the statewide union confederations and the
cocaleros, drove the protests forward. These groups provided an
organizational infrastructure in their respective areas but, in
the end, they were happily overwhelmed by millions of workers
and peasants in motion that assumed responsibility for their own
self-organization.
What now?
The motor of the October protests has
been the issue of Bolivia's natural gas. As of this writing, that
issue still awaits a definitive resolution. The struggle against
neoliberalism in Bolivia still has a long way to go.
Evo Morales's MAS exerted a tremendous
amount of pressure between October 15 and 1 7 to ensure that the
outcome of the protests would be a constitutional succession:
the resignation of the president followed by the swearing in of
the vice president. The MAS, in fact, threw its weight behind
the existing party system and a form of the state based on representative
democracy. Thus it remained consistent with its position of supporting
the government until the 2007 elections-a position it has held
since April 2003-despite the intensity of its anti-neoliberal
program. The MAS also left unclear in view of a time frame in
which to hold the constituent assembly.
To the left of the MAS, the Coalition
in Defense of Gas is pushing for the constituent assembly to be
held in six months. The Gas Coalition also favors a speedy transformation
of the political system toward more direct democracy. This means
leaving the current political parties out of the constituent assembly.
And it means understanding the constituent assembly as a mechanism
for creating a new form of state rather than as a means of simply
reforming the existing one.
A revolutionary way out of the present
crisis would entail a provisional workers' government based on
the COB that includes elected leaders of the social movements
such as Morales, Quispe, and Gas Coalition spokesperson, Oscar
Olivera. The mass movement has not taken up this alternative for
the present. The "constitutional exit" from the crisis
dominates mass consciousness and is likely to do so until the
new government, or even the promised constituent assembly, discredits
itself
Two new realities, however, will make
their impact felt over the coming weeks and months. The COB has
recovered important legitimacy after years of passivity and kowtowing
to the political parties. The former COB leadership was driven
out at its last national congress in April. The new leadership
has now proven itself under fire through its role in the current
revolt. According to the progressive news service Econoticiasbolivia,
the COB has been "converted into the undisputed head of the
popular uprising."
The second reality concerns timing and
reformism. If the mass movement and its component struggles relax,
momentum will swing back toward the neoliberalizers. A few reforms,
possibly including the constituent assembly, will serve principally
to buy Boliva's rulers time to regroup. Yet re-nationalizing Bolivia's
natural resources will strike at the heart of national and global
capitalism. The Bolivian ruling class, and U.S. and European imperialism,
will seek to defend their right to plunder by any means necessary.
It remains an illusion to think that the return of Bolivia's wealth
to its working majority can take place m any context short of
a revolutionary mass movement for socialism.
There are some parallels between Bolivia
in 2003 and Argentina in 2001. And if any lessons are to be learned
from the truncated Argentine experience, they are these: (1) the
importance of unity among the left; (2) the importance of placing
the organized urban and rural working class, including the organized
unemployed, at the center of the struggle; (3) the importance
of workers taking up a wide range of social demands-in this case,
the demands of the indigenous groups and the cocaleros; and, finally,
the importance of building a conscious movement for socialism,
broader than, but also including, explicitly revolutionary parties.
In 2001, neoliberalism suffered a heart
attack in Argentina. We can hope that today it lies on its deathbed
in Bolivia.
Tom Lewis is on the editorial board of
the ISR.
South
America watch
Index
of Website
Home Page