The WTO
Five years of reasons to resist corporate globalization
by Lori Wallach and Michelle Sforza
Seven Stories Press, 1999
p6
INTRODUCTION
by Ralph Nader
... In approving the far-reaching, powerful World Trade Organization
and other international trade agreements, such as the North American
Free Trade Agreement, the U.S. government, like those of other
nations, has ceded much of its flexibility to independently advance
health and safety standards that protect citizens. Instead, the
U.S. has accepted harsh legal limitations on what domestic policies
it may pursue. Approval of these agreements has institutionalized
a global economic and political structure that makes every government
increasingly hostage to an unaccountable system of transnational
governance designed to increase corporate profit, often with complete
disregard for social and ecological consequences.
This new governing regime will increasingly provide major
generic control over the minute details of the lives of the majority
of the world's people. It is not based on the health and economic
well-being of people, but rather on the enhancement of the power
and wealth of the world's largest corporations and financial institutions.
Under this new system, many decisions affecting people's daily
lives are being shifted away from our local and national governments
and being placed increasingly in the hands of unelected trade
bureaucrats sitting behind closed doors in Geneva, Switzerland.
These bureaucrats, for example, are now empowered to dictate whether
people in California can pursue certain actions to prevent the
destruction of their last virgin forests or determine if carcinogenic
pesticides can be banned from their food, or whether the European
countries have the right to ban the use of risky biotech materials
in their food. Moreover, once the WTO's secret tribunals issue
their edicts, no independent appeals are possible. Worldwide conformity
or continued payment of fines are required.
At stake is the very basis of democracy and accountable decision-making
that is the necessary foundation of any citizen struggle for just
distribution of wealth and adequate health, safety, human rights,
and environmental protections. An erosion of democratic accountability,
and the local, state and national sovereignty that is its embodiment,
has taken place over the past several decades.
Multinational companies have shaped the globalization of commerce
and finance. The establishment of the WTO marks a landmark formalization
and strengthening of their power. In this way, corporate globalization
establishes supranational limitations and impinges deeply on the
ability of any nation to control commercial activity with democratically
enacted laws. Globalization's tactic is to eliminate democratic
decision-making and accountability over matters as intimate as
the safety of food, pharmaceuticals and motor vehicles, or the
way in which a country may use or conserve its land, water, minerals
and other resources. What we have now in this type of globalization
is a slow motion coup d'etat, a low intensity war waged to redefine
free society-democracy and its non-commercial health, safety and
other protections-as subordinate to the dictates of international
trade-i.e. big business uber alles.
One cannot open a newspaper today without reading about myriad
examples of the problems that concentrated power spawns: reduced
standards of living for most people in the developed and developing
world; growing unemployment worldwide; deadly infectious diseases;
massive environmental degradation and natural resource shortages;
growing political chaos; and a global sense of despair, not hope
and optimism, for the future. Conspiratorial meetings have not
been necessary to fuel the push for globalization. Many corporate
officials share a common, perverse outlook. To them, the globe
is viewed primarily as a common market and capital source. Governments,
laws and democracy are inconvenient factors that restrict their
exploitation and limit their profit. From their perspective, the
goal is to eliminate market barriers on a global scale. From any
other humane perspective, such barriers are seen as valued safeguards
established to protect a nation's population-that is every nation's
laws that foster their economies, their citizens' health and safety,
the sustainable use of their land and resources, and so on. In
stark contrast, for multinational corporations, the diversity
that is a blessing of democracy and that results from diffuse
decision-making is itself the major barrier to be bypassed or
removed. On rare occasions, promoters of the economic globalization
agenda have been frank about their intentions. "Governments
should interfere in the conduct of trade as little as possible,"
said GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade Director General
Peter Sutherland, in a March 3, 1994, speech in New York City
where he promoted U.S. approval of the WTO.
Even more alarming is the definition of "trade"
these days which is used increasingly to describe a large portion
of each nation's economic and political structures. The WTO and
other trade agreements have moved way beyond their traditional
roles of setting quotas and tariffs. Now these institute new and
unprecedented controls over democratic governance. Erasing national
laws and economic boundaries to foster capital mobility and "free
trade," a term that ought properly to be called corporate-managed
trade (since it produces constraints, not freedom, for the rest
of us) has led the likes of American Express Cargill, General
Motors, Monsanto, Union Carbide, Shell Citigroup, Pfizer and other
mega-corporations to rejoice. However, the prospect of global
commerce without democratic controls is brewing a disaster for
the rest of the world left uniquely vulnerable to unrestrained
corporate activity amid declining living, health and environmental
standards.
Economist Herman Daly issued an important warning in his January
1994 "Farewell Lecture to the World Bank. " The push
to eliminate the nation-state's capacity to regulate commerce,
he said, "is to wound fatally the major unit of community
capable of carrying out any policies for the common good.... Cosmopolitan
globalism weakens national boundaries and the power of national
and subnational communities, while strengthening the relative
power of transnational corporations. "
The philosophy allegedly behind the globalization agenda is
that maximizing global economic deregulation will in itself result
in broad economic and social benefits. However, anyone who believes
this philosophy or that corporate economic globalization has any
underpinnings except maximizing short-term profit, need only consider
the case of U.S.-China economic relations. When only human rights
were at issue in 1994, the Clinton administration ended the historical
linkage between favorable trade status and a country's human rights
record. Instead it supported renewal of China's Most Favored Nation
(MFN} status. However, in early 1995, when property rights were
in question, McDonald's lease and Mickey Mouse's royalties were
cause for $1 billion dollars in threatened U.S. trade restrictions
against China. This threat resulted in Chinese government policy
changes to enforce intellectual property restrictions.
Similarly, economic globalization's primary mechanisms-the
WTO and NAFTA-do not target all "fetters" on commerce
for elimination. Rather, the agreements promote elimination of
restrictions that protect people, while increasing protection
for corporate interests. Regulation of commerce for environmental,
health or other social goals is strictly limited or challenged.
For example, selling products internationally made with child
labor is WTO-legal. Proposals to strengthen obsolete or antiquated
standards are chilled from the start by the real prospect of a
WTO challenge. This leads to a de facto moratorium on efforts
to upgrade and create new standards, i.e., self censorship. Labor
rights, which were to be included in the Uruguay Round, were entirely
left out as inappropriate limitations on global commerce. But
regulation of commerce to protect monopolistic corporate property
rights-such as intellectual property-was expanded. The right for
capital to be invested in any country in any economic sector without
conditions was also strengthened.
By giving up the right to condition investment in a country
on certain societal standards, such as not red-lining neighborhoods,
or the entry of products into domestic markets in compliance with
national rules, countries have damaged whatever leverage they
had on corporate behavior. U.S. corporations long ago learned
how to pit states against each other in "a race to the bottom"
to profit from whatever a state would impose on its citizens the
lowest wages, the lowest pollution standards, and the lowest taxes
for big business. Often a federal standard would stop such manipulation.
Now, through NAFTA and the WTO, multinational corporations can
play this game at the global level, pitting country against country.
After all, passing off to the public environmental and social
costs such as toxic dumping child labor and dictatorial repression
against workers is another way for corporations to boost their
profits. Workers, consumers and communities in all countries lose;
short-term profits soar and big business "wins."
Under the WTO, not only are the minimum levels of living standards
and environmental and health safeguards at risk, but also the
very principles and processes of democracy by which such standards
are fought for and won. Enactment of these so-called "free
trade" deals virtually guarantees that democratic efforts
to ensure that corporations pay their fair share of taxes, provide
their employees a decent living standard or limit their pollution
of the air, water and land will be met with the refrain: "You
can't burden us like that. If you do, we won't be able to compete.
We'll have to close down and move to a country that offers us
a more hospitable climate." This sort of intimidation is
extremely powerful. Communities already devastated by plant closures
and a declining manufacturing base are desperate not to lose more
jobs. They know all too well that exit threats of this kind are
often carried out.
One of the clearest lessons that emerges from a study of industrialized
societies is that the centralization of commerce is environmentally
and democratically unsound. No one denies the usefulness of having
trade between nations. But societies need to focus more attention
on fostering community-oriented alternatives. Very often smaller-scale
operations are more flexible and adaptable to local needs and
environmentally sustainable production methods. These are also
more susceptible to democratic control. Their officers are far
less likely to threaten to migrate and more likely to perceive
their interests as more overlapping with community interests.
Similarly, allocating power to lower-level governmental bodies
tends to increase citizen power. Concentrating power in distant
international organizations, as the trade pacts do, tends to remove
critical decision-making from citizen control. You can talk to
your city council representative but not some faceless international
trade bureaucrat at the WTO in Geneva. If local or state decisions
can be jeopardized by a foreign country's mere charge that their
standards are a "non-tariff trade barrier,'' if a country
must pay a tribute in trade sanctions to maintain laws ruled to
be trade barriers by closed and autocratic foreign tribunals,
if a company's claim that the burden that important citizen safeguards
would impose causes them to pick up their stakes and move abroad,
then standards of living and the all-important underlying standards
of justice worldwide will continue to spiral downward. This is
what happens when democratic values are subjugated to the imperatives
of international trade.
Following the establishment of the WTO, the corporate globalization
process and its effects are continuing to exacerbate stagnant
economic conditions for most of the world's people. In the U.S.,
if we do not make the connection between our local problems and
the corporate drive for economic and political control, then others
will be blamed for these unavoidable and increasing problems.
"It's the immigrants!" "It's the welfare system!"
"It's greedy farmers or workers!" "It's the regulatory
agencies!" "It's the tort system!" Allowing such
camouflage of the real causes of society's multifaceted problems
means a massive diversion of our focus, dividing people against
each other to the benefit of the agenda of mega-corporations.
Thus, what we face now is a race against time: How can citizens
most effectively mobilize a reversal of the expanding globalization
agenda while they defend our democratic spaces, instincts and
institutions from assault? The degree of suppression and subterfuge
necessary to continue along the downward path will be hard to
maintain in the presence of any vigorous democratic oversight.
However, actually reversing NAFTA, the WTO and the push toward
globalization will require a revitalized citizen democracy in
the United States and movement building across national borders.
Replacing the WTO-GATT with a pull-up, not a pull-down, system
of global commerce is the goal. The purpose of this pamphlet is
to inform citizens about the WTO's five year track record, and
to encourage the pursuit of creative democratic alternatives,
at every level, to corporate globalization...
p13
THE WTO'S SLOW MOTION COUP D'ETAT OVER DEMOCRATIC SOCIETY
The World Trade Organization is carrying out a slow-motion
coup d'etat over democratic governance worldwide.
Unlike past trade pacts, the WTO (World Trade Organization)
and its underlying agreements move far beyond traditional commercial
matters such as tariffs, import quotas or requirements that foreign
and domestic goods be treated equally. The WTO's provisions set
limits on the strength of countries' food safety laws and the
comprehensiveness of product labeling policies. They forbid countries
from banning products made with child labor. They can even regulate
expenditure of local tax dollars (for instance, prohibiting environmental
or human rights considerations in government purchasing decisions).
The WTO, established on January l, 1995, as part of the Uruguay
Round Agreements of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(GATT) and now with 134 Member countries, has rapidly accumulated
a sordid record. Binding decisions from its enforcement tribunals
have undermined consumer and environmental protections around
the world. And corporations have used the threat of WTO action
to roll back, block or chill countless rules designed to benefit
workers, consumers and the environment, and to promote human rights
and development in the world's poor countries.
This unfortunate outcome could have been predicted. Indeed,
it was. When the Uruguay Round was being negotiated, environmental,
labor and consumer groups warned that the GATT system, which had
existed for decades, was being dramatically recast and expanded
in a way that would subjugate core public interest needs-such
as accountable governance, environmental protection, health and
safety, and human and labor rights-to corporate interests.
Proponents of the Uruguay Round and the WTO dismissed these
concerns as ill-informed doomsday prophesies. They promised that
the Uruguay Round and the WTO would pose no threat to domestic
sovereignty or democratic, accountable policymaking. They also
promised enormous economic gains worldwide if the Uruguay Round
were implemented: The U.S. trade deficit would decrease by $60
billion in ten years.' Latin American countries would boom and
Asian growth would keep pace. Then-U.S. Treasury Secretary Lloyd
Bentsen even predicted that passage of the Uruguay Round would
result in an additional $1,700 in annual median income per U.S.
family. ~
Now, nearly five years later, it is clear that the promised
economic gains have not materialized. Not only has the WTO failed
to live up to its proponents' promises, but it is wreaking continuing
damage to health, human rights, safety and environmental safeguards...
Our purpose ... is to document an insidious shift in decision-making
away from democratic, accountable fora - where citizens have a
chance to fight for the public interest-to distant, secretive
and unaccountable international bodies, whose rules and operations
are dominated by corporate interests. Ironically, the U.S., with
some of the world's most open, accountable policymaking procedures,
is a leader in using the WTO to undercut democratic institutions
and mechanisms around the world.
The full magnitude of this new global governance system is
yet to be seen because some WTO rules have not taken full effect.
But it is clear that the WTO rules have little to do with the
19th century "free trade" philosophies of Adam Smith
or David Ricardo. Rather, the rules create a model of corporate
economic globalization that would be most accurately dubbed "corporate
managed trade."
Now is the time to ask: Whose trade organization is it? It
does not appear to belong to or benefit the majority of the world's
citizens. The emerging system favors huge multinational companies
and the wealthiest few in developed and developing countries.
But permanent entrenchment of this still-emerging system is
not a foregone conclusion. Despite the public relations efforts
of those who benefit from this arrangement to convince us otherwise,
the WTO setup is merely one design; it is not inevitable like
the moon's pull on the tides or some other force of nature. Putting
into place the WTO and the globalization it implements required
its proponents to undertake an enormous amount of planning, public
relations and political work. We still have the freedom to oppose
the WTO's design, and we still have the power to pursue and develop
real alternatives. In other parts of the world, especially in
indigenous communities that lack basic resources and access to
media, such opportunities do not exist.
***
p17
WTO Challenges and Threats Undermine the Public Interest.
The expansive Uruguay Round Agreements' constraints on the
ability of governments to maintain public interest regulations
are enforced through a freestanding WTO tribunal system empowered
to judge countries' laws for WTO-compliance.
Since it was created in 1995, one out of four WTO challenges
has involved an environmental, health or safety policy. In each
instance the WTO has ruled such policies to be illegal trade barrier
that must be eliminated or changed. Nations whose laws were declared
trade barriers by the WTO-or that were merely threatened with
prospective WTO action-have eliminated or watered down policies
to meet WTO requirements. In addition to undermining important
policies, this trend has a chilling effect on countries' inclinations
to initiate new environmental, human rights or safety laws because
they want to avoid WTO challenges.
The very mechanics of the WTO, which are skewed in favor of
corporations and trade, pre-ordain this outcome. WTO business
is conducted by committees and panels that meet behind closed
doors in Geneva, Switzerland. In sharp contrast to U.S. domestic
courts and even other international arbitration systems, there
is a startling lack or "transparency"-public disclosure
and accountability. This leads to overwhelming concentrations
of corporate power and influence.
The string of public interest laws ruled against and developing
countries are among the biggest losers in this system. Developing
countries generally do not have the money and expertise either
to bring cases to the WTO or defend themselves before the WTO.
Many simply capitulate to corporate threats and amend their laws
before the | matter even reaches the WTO...
... The primary problem stems from the fact that countries'
domestic policy goals and laws must pass muster with the WTO,
which, among other constraints, requires that laws and regulations
implementing even WTO-permitted goals prove to be least trade
restrictive.
Further, WTO rules prohibit countries from treating physically
similar products differently based on how they are made or harvested.
For instance, in the eyes of the WTO, tuna caught in dolphin-safe
nets can be treated no differently than tuna caught in nets that
ensnare dolphins. This is why the Clinton administration worked
with some of the Congress' leading anti-environmental members
to water down a popular U.S. law designed to prevent dolphins
from being killed in tuna nets which was ruled to be a trade violation.
This backwards logic also jeopardizes laws banning trade in goods
made with child labor or trade with countries where human rights
abuses take place.
WTO philosophies also undermine global cooperation on the
environment, health and human rights. If a country is a WTO member,
its domestic implementation of other international commitments
must comply with WTO rules. For instance, the WTO ruled against
provisions of the U.S. Endangered Species Act that required shrimpers
to protect endangered sea turtles-a law that implemented U.S.
commitments under the global environmental treaty called Convention
on Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). Now, the U.S. and EU are
threatening Japan's attempt to enact laws to implement the Kyoto
Treaty on global climate change as WTO-illegal.
WTO rules set a ceiling on safety by making certain international
standards the only presumptively WTO-legal standards. Domestic
standards on health, the environment and public safety that are
higher than international ones must pass a set of stringent tests
in order not to be considered trade barriers. Meanwhile, there
is no floor o.. health or safety that all countries must meet,
there is no requirement that international standards be met, only
that they cannot be exceeded.
The cases also clearly show that the WTO system effectively
turns the very premise by which some progressive governments have
handled environmental, food safety and other human health-related
policies on its head. Generally manufacturers are required to
prove that a product is safe before it can be sold, and countries
do not permit the product to enter the marketplace until the company
has submitted the proof. Under WTO rules, however, the burden
is completely reversed. Governments must prove that a product
is unsafe before they ban it and must clear near impossible procedural
and evidentiary hurdles to do so.
With the establishment of the WTO, judgements over such key
areas as food safety have been pulled from the hands of domestic
legislatures and effectively ceded to the international corporate
interests that helped write the WTO rules. Following an adverse
WTO ruling, Europe must now absorb $115 million annually in WTO-authorized
trade sanctions to maintain a ban on beef containing residues
of artificial growth hormones.
Another alarming aspect of this new WTO system is the fact
that nations are serving as corporations' servants, agreeing to
challenge laws that the corporations oppose. The U.S. went to
bat for Chiquita, the banana giant, when it successfully attacked
Europe's preferential treatment of bananas from former EU colonies
in the Caribbean. The U.S. does not produce bananas for export
and most of Chiquita's employees are underpaid farm workers laboring
on its vast Central American plantations. The EU has announced
that it has no choice but to rescind its preferential treatment,
an action that could have a devastating impact on the small, independent
banana farmers in the Caribbean.
Often, the mere threat of a challenge suffices. For instance,
after the U.S. threatened WTO action, South Korea weakened two
food safety laws-one pertaining to the shelf life for meat, the
other dealing with fruit and vegetable inspections.
Because developing countries generally lack the resources
and expertise to defend challenges, threats to the policies can
be particularly devastating. However, developing countries haven't
been the only losers. Rich countries have seen some of their valuable
policies gutted too. The threats of WTO action described in this
pamphlet are merely the tip of the iceberg, given that so much
of the activity is shrouded in secrecy.
WTO Trend: Commerce Always Takes Precedence.
The overall theme that emerges from reviewing the WTO's record:
In the WTO forum, global commerce takes precedence over everything-democracy,
public health, equity, the environment, food safety and more.
Indeed, under WTO rules, global commerce takes precedence over
even small business.
The WTO's manic tilt toward commercial values is perhaps best
highlighted by its rules seeking to commodify everything-to turn
everything into a form of property-so that it can be bought and
sold. For instance, the new system gives patents-and thus exclusive
marketing rights-for life forms and indigenous knowledge. Consider
what has happened in India, where the indigenous population has
used the neem tree for medicinal purposes for generations. After
a U.S. importer discovered the tree's pharmaceutical properties,
multinational companies from the U.S. and Japan sought and received
numerous patents on products made from the tree, leaving the indigenous
populations unable to profit from knowledge they have developed
over centuries.
Consider, too, the plight of subsistence farmers. Under the
WTO's new intellectual property guarantees, a company can obtain
ownership rights-literally a patent-over the knowledge and effort
of the local farmers who bred and adapted seed over generations.
Once a company holds the patent for a particular seed variety,
it can force cashless farmers either to pay an annual royalty
buy new seeds each year or no longer use the variety, which may
be the only one available or effective in that region...
***
p27
THE WTO AND THE ENVIRONMENT
The WTO has been a disaster for the environment Threats-often
by industry but with government support- of WTO-illegality are
being used to chill environmental innovation and to undermine
multilateral environmental agreements Already WTO threats and
challenges have undermined or threatened to interfere with U.S.
Clean Air rules, the U.S. Endangered Species Act, Japan's Kyoto
(global warming) Treaty implementation, a European toxics and
recycling law, U.S. longhorned beetle infestation policy, EU eco-labels,
U.S. dolphin protection legislation and an EU humane trapping
law.
Things stand only to get worse, as industry begins to engineer
challenges to environmental laws based on the new, stronger anti-environmental
provisions developed through the Uruguay Round. A major shift
occurred with establishment of the WTO's new rules. Instead of
only requiring that domestic and foreign goods be treated equally,
the WTO makes value judgements about the level of environmental
protection or the sorts of policy goals WTO Members pursue.
Strong Enforcement of Anti-Environmental Rules. The Uruguay
Round Agreements added a vast array of new anti-environment, anti-conservation
provisions to the existing GATT rules, which themselves had drawn
fire from environmentalists. These new rules subject a wider array
of hard-won environmental laws to scrutiny as so-called "non-tariff
barriers" to trade. ("Non-tariff barrier" is jargon
for any law or policy that is not a tariff but affects trade.)
The WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS)
explicitly restricts the actions that governments can take relating
to food and agriculture policy, including laws to protect food
safety or to protect the environment, human, plant or animal health.
As a result, many policies that governments use to avoid or contain
invasive species infestations from undermining biodiversity can
run afoul of WTO's rules. The WTO Agreement on Technical Barriers
to Trade (TBT) requires that product standards-a nation's rules
governing the contents and characteristics of products-be made
as least trade restrictive as possible and, with extraordinarily
limited exceptions, be based on international standards. The WTO
Agreement on Government Procurement requires that governments
take into account only 'commercial considerations" when making
purchasing decisions. The Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of
Intellectual Property (TRIPs) requires that WTO Members provide
property rights protection to genetically modified plant varieties
even though their long-term environmental impacts have not been
established. All of these agreements are enforceable, by threat
of sanction, through the WTO's dispute resolution system.
While the WTO publicly states its support for the principles
of sustainable development in the WTO ("the environment")
has been given and will continue to be given a high profile on
the WTO agenda"),' the track record suggests an altogether
different set of priorities. Indeed, in a revealing attack of
candor, then-WTO Secretary General Renato Ruggiero stated that
environmental standards in the WTO are "doomed to fail and
could only damage the global trading system."
***
p30
CLINTON ADMINISTRATION GUTS DOLPHIN PROTECTION
Under amendments to the U.S. Marine Mammal Protection Act
(MMPA), the sale by domestic or foreign fishers of tuna caught
with mile-long encirclement nets, known as "purse seine"
nets, was banned in the U.S. in 1988. Because schools of tuna
in the Eastern Tropical Pacific congregate under schools of dolphins,
use of the nets killed millions of dolphins in the that region.
Over 30 years, seven million dolphins were drowned, crushed or
otherwise killed as a result of purse seine tuna fishing.
In 1991, a GATT panel ruled against Section 101(a)(2) of the
U.S. MMPA"-which excluded from the U.S. market tuna caught
by domestic or foreign fishers using purse seines. The panel interpreted
language in GATT's Article III, which prohibits discrimination
between products on the basis of where they are produced to also
forbid distinguishing between products based on how they are produced.
In 1994, a GATT panel again ruled against the MMPA, this time
in response to a similar European challenge.
That the embargo was applied to both the domestic and foreign
tuna industries was held irrelevant by the GATT. The first panel
found that the law was not "necessary" to protect dolphin
health because, in the panel's opinion, the U.S. could have attempted
to protect dolphins through other measures that would not have
violated GATT.
Given that the rulings against the U.S. dolphin-safe law were
issued by GATT-and not WTO-panels, they were not automatically
enforceable. Indeed, Mexico and the U.S. agreed not to enforce
the ruling because they feared it would undermine passage of the
North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA).
However, by 1995, with NAFTA passed and the WTO in operation,
Mexico demanded that the GATT ruling be enforced. With President
Clinton anxious to avoid the public spectacle of a dolphin protection
law being eviscerated by the WTO, he sent a letter to Mexican
President Ernesto Zedillo declaring that the weakening of the
standard "is a top priority for my Administration and for
me personally." By 1997, over the opposition of the Marine
Mammal Protection Act's original congressional champions and a
coalition of environmental, consumer and other public interest
groups, Clinton succeeded in implementing the GATT order and thus
in gutting the law.
By the fall of 1999-for the first time in over a decade-tuna
caught with purse seines will be back on the U.S. market.
The precedent set in the GATT panel's ruling has serious widespread
implications. It forbids countries from distinguishing among different
production methods even if this is done to further a legitimate
social or environmental goal. For example, under such reasoning,
prohibiting the use of fur harvested by clubbing of harp seals
could be GATT-illegal. Similarly, policies banning products involving
child labor or even slave labor could be prohibited by the WTO.
Then in 1998, a WTO panel ruled against provisions of the
U.S. Endangered Species Act allowing sale of shrimp in the U.S.
only if the shrimp are caught in nets equipped with turtle excluder
devices. This law applied to U.S. and foreign fishers and implemented
U.S. obligations under the global environmental treaty called
CITES {Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species).
***
p35
EUROPEANS WEAKEN BAN ON CRUELLY TRAPPED ANIMALS
The European Union has long been concerned with animal welfare
issues and has enacted progressive anti-cruelty laws relating
to farming, animal transport and slaughter practices. In 1991,
the EU tried to extend this tradition to fur trapping but encountered
threats of a WTO-challenge by the U.S. and Canada that ultimately
undermined the new proposal.
The EU prohibited the use in Europe of steel jaw leg-hold
traps for 13 fur bearing animals as of 1995. Importation of such
pelts would be banned starting in 1995 unless the exporting country
forbid the use of painful steel jaw leghold traps or met other
humane trapping standards.
North American and Russian trappers and furriers contended
that these laws and rules constituted unfair trade barriers, intended
to affect foreign practices (few of the species covered by the
EU law were native to Europe) and discriminating against imports
based on the way they were produced abroad.
After an extended period of U.S. WTO saber rattling, the EU
struck a weak deal with the U.S. The proposal allowed a six-year
phase-out of steel jaw leg-hold traps while the United States
continues to export fur to Europe.' Animal welfare advocates argued
that the language in the U.S.-EU agreement is sufficiently vague
as to make it unenforceable.
In the future, the threatened WTO action and subsequent weak
agreement could have implications for other policies concerning
humane treatment of animals, such as slaughter rules, transport
and testing of consumer products on laboratory animals, and fur
farming techniques.
***
p39
THE WTO, FOOD SAFETY STANDARDS, AND PUBLIC HEALTH
U.S. regulatory agencies have intervened in the market to
save the lives of millions of Americans who otherwise would have
been exposed to dangerous food, products and work environments.'
But in their blind pursuit of increased trade volumes, new WTO
rules are undermining key food safety, public health, and plant
and animal health policies in the U.S. and elsewhere.
In addition to successful WTO challenges to the EU's ban on
artificial beef hormone residues in meat and several other countries'
quarantine laws, threats of WTO action have led South Korea to
weaken two food safety rules. Outstanding WTO threats include
U.S. charges against a Danish ban on lead in many products and
on a Europe-wide policy on toxins in children's teething rings.
Meanwhile, WTO requirements to "harmonize," different
national standards toward uniform international standards have
led the U.S. to declare company-inspected beef from Australia
equivalent in safety to U.S. government inspected meat. These
imports can enter the U.S. labeled as if they met the U.S. law.
Finally, the WTO empowers assorted industry-influenced international
organizations to set standards presumed to comply with WTO rules.
***
p42
THE WTO INSISTS EUROPE ACCEPT ARTIFICIAL HORMONE-TREATED BEEF
In a major defeat for health and safety policies based on
the premise that potentially dangerous substances should be proven
safe before they are marketed, a WTO panel ruled in 1997 against
an EU ban on artificial hormone-treated beef.
Since 1988, the EU has banned the sale of beef from cattle
treated with artificial hormones and has applied the ban in a
nondiscriminatory fashion to both domestic and imported beef products.
Exposure to the artificial hormones themselves have been linked
to cancer and premature pubescence in girls, although the risk
to humans of artificial hormone residues in the meat they consume
has yet to be conclusively measured. Rather than trying to assess
a tolerable amount of an indeterminable risk or waiting for negative
human health affects to accrue over time, the EU chose to eliminate
public exposure to the risk altogether.
The U.S. beef and biotechnology industries have long opposed
this EU policy. In January 1996, the U.S. challenged the ban at
the WTO. In 1998, a WTO panel ruled that the beef hormone ban
was an illegal measure under SPS rules in part because it was
not based on a WTO-approved risk assessment." The WTO Appellate
Body affirmed the original panel's decision, and the EU was ordered
to begin imports of U.S. artificial hormone-treated beef by May
13, 1 999.
After the EU refused to comply with the WTO panel ruling by
the May 1999 deadline, the WTO on July 12, 1999, approved a U.S.
request to impose retaliatory sanctions against European-made
products.
In its beef hormone ruling, the WTO effectively declared that
food safety regulations enacted in advance of scientific certainty
were not allowed. The WTO in effect attempted to eliminate from
the standard-setting process such factors as the cultural values,
attitudes and priorities of individual societies, as well as the
desire to shield people from unnecessary exposure to potentially
dangerous substances. The WTO ruling in this case poses a direct
challenge to one of the pillars of contemporary public health
policy, the Precautionary Principle. Under this principle, potentially
dangerous substances must be proven safe before they are put on
the market
The WTO stood the Precautionary Principle on its head, shifting-from
the manufacturer to the government-the burden of proof that a
product is safe. Under the WTO rule, government must scientifically
prove a product is dangerous before it can regulate that product.
By rejecting a popular consumer safeguard solidly grounded in
the Precautionary Principle, the WTO made a powerful statement
about its priorities.
***
p48
WTO INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS, ACCESS TO MEDICINES AND PATENTS
ON LIFE
Intellectual Property Rights, or IPRs, bestow ownership rights
and legal protections on ideas, artistic creations (such as novels,
music and films), technological innovations and marketing tools
(logos and trademarks, for instance). The WTO Agreement on Trade
Related Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPsl establishes enforceable
global property rights and requires all 134 WTO Members to enact
domestic legislation to enforce these new rights.
The level of IPR protection required by the TRIPs Agreement
is extremely high-higher than most WTO Members had in place before
implementing the Uruguay Round Agreements-and broad in its scope,
covering pharmaceuticals, agricultural chemicals, plant varieties
and seed germplasms, including those resulting from generations
of plant breeding and traditional remedies, microorganisms and
much more. The WTO TRIPS Agreement, instead of promoting "free
trade" established a 20-year monopoly marketing right for
patent holders. This WTO rule required the U.S. to extend its
patent protections from 17 to 20 years, a move which was conservatively
calculated to cost U.S. consumers $6 billion given the delay in
availability of generic versions of many medicines.'
The WTO TRIPs Agreement: Developing Country Access to Food
and Medicine. The TRIPs Agreement has created a firestorm of protest
in the developing world. Many developing countries have traditionally
excluded food and medicine from their IPR laws in order to ensure
that these basic necessities are accessible and affordable and
not subject to private monopoly control. Under the TRIPs Agreement,
however, what was once in the public domain-food and medicine-must
now be privatized through global patent law. From the perspective
of many in the developing world, where food shortages and disease
threaten the population on an ongoing basis, WTO TRIPs protections
for corporate property rights outrageously undermine the ability
of governments to respond generally to basic public needs and
specifically to public health crises.
The WTO TRIPs Rules Endanger Food Security. The TRIPs Agreement
further undermines precarious worldwide food security by exacerbating
food and seed access and distribution problems. One provision
requires that WTO Members protect agribusiness ownership over
plant varieties, including seeds. This requirement provides dramatic
new tools to consolidate the power of large seed and biotechnology
manufacturers by shifting ownership and control of seed stocks
away from farmers.
When corporations patent seeds, local farmers must pay annual
fees to use the seed type, even if the seed was the product of
breeding conducted over generations by the very ancestors of the
farmers themselves. So far, patents have been awarded on varieties
of soybeans, corn and canola. Subsistence farmers can ill-afford
to pay the cost of purchasing seed each year. On the other hand,
the TRIPs Agreement contains no protections for indigenous communities
that have been planting and crossbreeding strains for centuries
to develop that perfectly adapted variety that a bioprospector
can collect and have patented to some distant corporation.
Monopoly ownership over crop varieties as encouraged by the
TRIPs Agreement has also been linked to the spread of "mono-culture
agriculture." Aggressive marketing of the products protected
by intellectual property rights can lead to the spread of the
same variety of crop or livestock worldwide and to the displacement
of hundreds of local varieties of crops and breeds of livestock.
Monocultures are dangerously unstable ecosystems that have lost
their diversity and hence their resistance against pests, diseases
and environmental stresses. The deadly Irish potato famine resulted
in part from mono-cropping. The potato blight was able to move
from field to field throughout the country because of reliance
on one variety of potato, the lumper.
***
p51
The TRIPs Agreement, Pharmaceuticals and Health.
THREAT l: U.S., GERBER TRADE THREATS PRESSURE GUATEMALA TO
WEAKEN INFANT FORMULA LAW
In an attempt to reduce its infant mortality rate, Guatemala
passed a law and issued regulations in 1983 designed to encourage
new mothers to breast feed their infants and to fully understand
the health threats to their babies of using infant formula as
a substitute for breast milk. The law, which implemented the terms
of the WHO/ UNICEF Code on Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes
included prohibitions on the use of words like "humanized
breast milk" or "equivalent to breast milk." To
be accessible to illiterate people, the WHO/ UNICEF Code and Guatemala's
regulations also included prohibitions against visual depictions
of infants that "idealize the use of bottle feeding.
One infant formula producer, Gerber Food (Gerber), bridled
at the Guatemalan law and its regulations because the company's
trademarked logo includes the picture of a pudgy infant, the "Gerber
Baby." Shortly before the Uruguay Round's effective date,
a Gerber vice president wrote to Guatemala's president, implicitly
threatening some form of trade sanctions. The dispute pit a nation
trying to protect its most vulnerable citizens, its newborns,
against a transnational food producer (motto: "Babies are
our business". insistent not only on selling infant formula
but in marketing its products in a manner that Guatemalan law
deemed misleading.
According to UNICEF, 1.5 million infants die each year because
their mothers are induced to replace breast feeding with artificial
breast milk substitutes. UNICEF reports that the major cause of
death is fatal infant diarrhea caused by mothers in poor countries
mixing the infant formula with unclean water. UNICEF attributes
the fact that only 44% of infants in the developing world (even
less in the industrialized countries) are breast-fed to the relentless
promotion of breast milk substitutes.
With the prominent exception of U.S.-incorporated Gerber,
all of Guatemala's domestic and foreign suppliers of infant formula
and other breast milk substitutes made the necessary changes to
their packaging to comply with the Guatemalan law. Guatemalan
infant mortality rates dropped significantly after the law passed,
and UNICEF held up Guatemala as a model of the Code's success
in its literature.
But Gerber refused to comply with the Guatemalan law, warning
that Guatemala would likely face a WTO challenge if it did not
repeal the rule. In fact, a special public health exception in
the TRIPS agreement probably would have safeguarded Guatemala's
actions.
But Guatemala had no in-house expertise on the question of
the WTO legality of its implementation of the WHO/UNICEF Code.
By 1995, Gerber's threats of WTO action, taken seriously by the
Guatemalan government at home and at its Washington embassy, succeeded.
Guatemala changed the law so that imported baby food products
would be exempt from Guatemala's stringent infant food labeling
policy.
p53
PHARMACEUTICAL INDUSTRY THREATENS WTO CHALLENGE OVER SOUTH AFRICAN
MEDICINE LAW
The TRIPs Agreement requires WTO Member countries to have
in place 20-year IPR protections for pharmaceutical prices by
2005. Patents give pharmaceutical companies the exclusive right
to market a particular medication. However, the TRIPS agreement
does contain important caveats-such as permitting compulsory licensing
and parallel imports-designed to allow governments to modify some
patent holders' rights in the name of promoting public welfare.
Under compulsory licensing, governments require patent holders
to license drugs or other goods to competing manufacturers in
exchange for royalty payments to the drug's developer. Parallel
importing is the practice of importing goods through wholesalers
or other third-party intermediaries from countries where goods
are cheaper, rather than buying directly from the manufacturer.
Governments adopt parallel importing policies because pharmaceutical
prices can vary wildly among countries. For instance, the antibiotic
Amoxicillin costs 50 cents a tablet in South Africa compared to
4 cents each in neighboring Zimbabwe.
Despite these important public health provisions included
in the TRIPS, the international pharmaceutical industry, with
assistance from the Clinton administration, has tried to use TRIPS
to reverse the effort by former South African President Nelson
Mandela to make health care and medicines more accessible for
South Africans. The South African Medicines Law, enacted in 1997
but not yet fully implemented, would encourage the use of generic
drugs and prohibit pharmaceutical companies from paying doctors
bounties for prescribing their products (already illegal in the
U.S. under anti-kickback laws). Most notably, it would institute
parallel importing and permit compulsory licensing as a means
to control pharmaceuticals costs.
The South African and U.S. pharmaceutical industries present
a united front in opposition to the South African law with the
head of the South African Pharmaceutical Manufacturers' Association
(PMA) having threatened the South African government with a WTO
challenge.
The U.S. government joined them, undertaking a "full-court
press" against the South African law, in the words of a State
Department memo. High level officials, including Vice President
Al Gore, repeatedly raised the issue with South African policymakers.
The U.S. imposed or threatened to impose trade and other sanctions
against South Africa.
South Africa, however, refused to back down. A pressure campaign,
led by AIDS activists who realized how South Africa's efforts
to lower drug prices could help make AIDS medicines available
to South Africa's skyrocketing population of people with HIV/AIDS,
forced the U.S. to back off of its threats against South Africa.
It remains to be seen whether the U.S. will respect other countries'
right to use compulsory licensing and parallel imports.
p55
THE WTO AND DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
At the conclusion of the Uruguay Round negotiations in 1994,
developing countries were promised they would experience major
gains as industrialized countries lowered and eventually eliminated
tariffs on such items as textiles and apparel and cut agricultural
subsidies that enabled them to dominate world commodity markets.
Yet contrary to this rosy scenario, after nearly five years
of the WTO, the share of the pie for most of the world's population
living in developing countries got smaller, and that smaller portion
was divided even less equally among individuals.
First, the Least Developed Countries' (LDCs) share of world
exports and imports has fallen sharply since the Uruguay Round,
according to the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development
(UNCTAD).' According to UNCTAD, as a result of the implementation
of the Uruguay Round accords, the world's poorest nations-the
47 least developed countries-will lose an estimated $163 billion
to $265 billion in export earnings while paying $145 million to
$292 million more for food imports.
UNCTAD concludes that LDCs continue to be marginalized in
world trade not because of any resistance to openness but because
of their inability to expand productive capacity. Uruguay Round
Agreements that transformed core components of economic development
policy into trade law violations will compound this problem. For
instance, the prohibition on some tariffs for imported manufactured
goods being sent to poor countries forces nascent industry to
compete with vastly more productive foreign manufacturers, thus
stunting domestic industrial development in the LDCs.
Second, as developing countries have deregulated and opened
up their economies under the orders of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) and in line with the policy prescriptions of WTO proponents,
most have seen sharp declines in their rates of growth.
Third, while the world's largest corporations have generated
record earnings, income inequality has increased between and within
countries since the WTO's implementation. As mentioned earlier,
the income gap between the fifth of the world's people living
in the richest countries and the fifth in the poorest was 74-to-1
in 1997, up from 60-to-1 in 1990 and 30-to-1 in 1960
Uruguay Round Agreements Include Provisions Especially Threatening
to Developing Countries. The WTO didn't create world poverty,
of course, and it can only be given a small share of the blame
for the worsening trends that date back a decade and a half prior
to the WTO's establishment. But several specific concepts and
provisions in the Uruguay Round package have made things worse
economically for developing countries.
Systematic Tariff Escalation Promotes "Rip and Ship"
Natural Resources Use. Uruguay Round tariff schedules provide
for the escalation of tariff rates as value is added to a product.
The tariff rate increases with processing and manufacturing, thus,
the lowest rate is for a raw commodity.
This Uruguay Round feature is one reason developing country
WTO critics say the Uruguay Round promotes economic "recolonization"
of developing countries that only recently gained political independence.
Tariff escalation creates an incentive for "rip and ship"
natural resource exploitation in poor countries. Exports facing
tariff escalation and the WTO's ban on the use of high tariffs
to protect infant industries in developing countries from competing
imports produced by more established firms in rich countries discourages
LDCs from further industrialization. Thus, furniture produced
in a developing country from that country's tropical wood and
exported for sale in a developed country faces a relatively high
tariff. Raw tropical timber logs shipped into the rich country
face relatively lower tariffs, and when the furniture is produced
in the rich country from that wood, it faces no additional tariff
mark-up.
Under the Uruguay Round tariff schedule, by 2000, tariffs
are to be eliminated in many commodities that currently represent
a substantial export income for the world's poorest countries.
These include coffee, tea, cocoa beans, metal ores, cotton, gold,
diamonds and fresh vegetables.
Falling Commodity Prices Undermine Food Security. Primary
commodity prices already have fallen by 25% since 1995, the year
the WTO went into effect, and now are at historic lows. 8 Compounding
the problem of lower export earnings caused by plunging commodity
prices is the fact that least developed countries have become
net importers of food and therefore must have a steady stream
of foreign exchange simply to finance the imports needed to feed
the population.
The Uruguay Round Agriculture Agreement prohibited numerous
internal support programs and import controls that developing
countries typically use to protect small producers and encourage
self-sufficiency in food production while permitting continuing
export subsidies. With small local producers no longer shielded
from the subsidized agricultural commodities of the U.S. and particularly
the EU, the Uruguay Round creates increased dependency on imported
staples like wheat and corn.
U.S. ATTACKS CARIBBEAN BANANAS FOR CHIQUlTA
The Lome Convention between the EU and its former colonies
in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP countries) establishes
preferential tariffs and sets aside some portion of the EU market
for the ACP countries for a set list of products." This regime
is considered indispensable for the economic and political stability
of the ACP countries. The EU negotiated a waiver for the Lome
Convention for Uruguay Round Most Favored Nation (MFN) tariff
requirements. In 1996, the U.S. government, on behalf of the U.S.
corporation Chiquita Brands International (Chiquita), challenged
the EU policy under the Lome Convention of setting aside a portion
of its banana market for Caribbean Island producers.
While most of the world's bananas are grown for Chiquita,
Del Monte and Dole on large Latin and Central American plantations
that rely on cheap farm labor, Eastern Caribbean banana producers,
in contrast, tend to be smallscale farmers who own and work small
plots of mountainous land and whose production costs are therefore
higher.
Bananas are central to the economic and political stability
of several small Caribbean island nations, where mountainous terrain
and limited arable land make cultivation of other legal cash crops
impossible. The ACP countries most dependent upon the Lome Convention
banana regimes include the Windward Islands nations of St. Lucia,
Dominica, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, where banana production
accounts for between 63% and 91% of export earnings.
The U.S. filed its challenge against the EU even though it
does not produce a single banana for trade. Some speculate the
decision to mount the WTO challenge-which ultimately proved successful-was
due to the large campaign contributions that Chiquita and its
chairman Carl Lindner have made to both major parties.
When the EU delayed the WTO-ordered elimination of its Caribbean
banana program, the U.S. in March 1999 imposed trade sanctions
against the EU worth $190 million annually. t6
If the EU decides to lift is protections for the Caribbean
banana producers, the Caribbean banana economy will collapse completely.
There is widespread acknowledgment that one consequence of such
a collapse would be a surge illegal drug cultivation and trafficking.
p59
HUMAN AND LABOR RIGHTS UNDER THE WTO
The Uruguay Round Agreements, when taken as a whole, create
a system of global commerce shaped to serve large multinational
corporations with the resources to move production around the
world and to provide goods and/or services to numerous markets
simultaneously. The rights of workers are completely ignored,
except to the extent that government policies promoting workers'
rights are considered barriers to trade and therefore are subject
to attack under WTO rules.
Similarly, differential treatment of countries based on their
human rights records is explicitly forbidden. Thus, the sort of
sanctions requested by South African leaders in the struggle against
apartheid would have seriously conflicted with the current WTO
rules. Already one U.S. state's selective purchasing law against
the Burmese military dictatorship has been challenged under WTO
rules.
No Labor Rights at the WTO. The WTO Trade Related Investment
Measures (TRIMs) rules encourage the spread of export processing
zones (EPZs), where global manufacturing firms import most of
their components from overseas subsidiaries and pay production
workers starvation wages to assemble the products for export for
sale in rich markets.
The low-wage EPZ scenario is promoted by a combination of
WTO rules that forbid the sorts of countermeasures governments
would need to take to ensure both labor rights protections and
more diversified production. For example, the WTO TRIMs Agreement
forbids developing country governments from requiring that a certain
portion of a product's content be procured domestically. Doing
so would create more jobs besides those needed to simply assemble
products to export to rich countries. Nor do WTO rules permit
importing countries to close their borders to goods made in factories
or countries where worker rights are violated.
The prospects for rectifying the WTO's bias against workers
vis-a-vis multinational corporations through any reform of the
WTO are slim. In 1994, during the Uruguay Round negotiations,
the U.S. and France had suggested that a "social clause"
should be included in the WTO.' These half-hearted efforts failed,
as have all subsequent efforts.
In any case, many non-governmental organizations most involved
with globalization issues actually view the notion of a WTO "social
clause" as useless and politically damaging at best, and
as a dangerous distraction from the WTO's real problems, at worst.
The basic argument of these groups is that without actually changing
or eliminating the numerous core WTO principles and rules that
undermine the public interest, adding pro-labor or other language
is like putting a bandage over gangrene. The same damage will
continue unabated, but it might draw less attention in the short
term.
***
p63
DEMANDS AND CONCLUSIONS
The Uruguay Round and WTO have failed the most conservative
of tests: to do no further damage. Instead, in the key areas of
public health, enforcement protection, economic development and
food security, conditions have seriously deteriorated as a direct
result of WTO rules.
What is truly alarming is that for many developing countries,
fallout from the harshest of the WTO rules is still to come, because
the rules have multi-year phase-ins and are not yet fully implemented.
In an acknowledgment of the damage already done by WTO rules,
many developing countries' governments and non-governmental organizations
oppose the European call for a new and comprehensive round of
WTO talks and instead have called for a "turnaround"
to undo the damage being wrought by the current WTO regime.
Indeed, there are indications of serious problems in virtually
every key area where the U.S. and other governments promised their
citizens WTO benefits. The world has been buffeted by unprecedented
global financial instability. Income inequality is increasing
rapidly between and within countries. Despite efficiency and productivity
gains, wages in numerous countries have failed to rise, while
commodity prices are at an all-time low, causing a decrease in
the standard of living for a majority of people in the world.
The WTO's built-in bias against public participation has made
the institution a perfect venue for industry and governments to
pursue agendas that would fail in open democratic forums. One
WTO bureaucrat admitted this to the Financial Times, stating the
WTO "is the place where governments collude in private against
their domestic pressure groups.
***
p69
CONCLUSION
In its short five years of existence, the WTO has had wide-ranging
impacts on jobs, wages and livelihoods and on international and
domestic environmental, health and food safety protections, as
well as on economic development, human rights and global trade
and investment. These impacts have not been systematically studied
nor have they been well covered in the press. As a consequence,
most people around the globe lack an awareness that their lives,
livelihoods, food and environment-indeed, their very futures-are
being shaped by a powerful new institution.
The WTO is not just about trade and distant economic trends.
Rather, it serves as the engine for a comprehensive redesign of
international, national and local law, politics, cultures and
values. Given how directly and personally this redesign is affecting
us all, we hope this pamphlet contributes to public awareness
about the WTO and the important choices we face about globalization.
Despite massive public relations efforts to convince us otherwise,
there is nothing inevitable about the model of corporate economic
globalization by which our world is now being redesigned. Rather,
years of planning, lobbying and effort by the few powerful interests
who benefit from this model have led to its development and implementation.
There are other models that would result in a more equitable,
safe, ecologically sound and democratically accountable society.
The question is how the majority of people worldwide who are being
ill-served by the status quo can best inform and organize ourselves
to make the change.
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